Thursday, March 08, 2012
Darfur: Woman Raped in Front of Son On Eve of International Women's Day
Gereida — A woman was raped in front of her 11 year old son by four men at gunpoint on Tuesday.
She went out with her son to collect hay, a few kilometres away from the camp, when four gunmen grabbed the woman and raped her one by one, said a witness from Gereida camp in South Darfur.
'Her son was just standing there, watching her and crying,' continued the witness.
The men threatened to kill the boy if he didn't hand over his mobile phone, but he refused anyway.
On not managing to steal the phone, the men turned back to the woman and raped her again.
The crime has shocked and angered local residents, who demand the attackers are caught. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
New fighting in Sudan's Darfur region
Sudan's armed forces and a rebel group clashed in the Western Darfur region, both sides said on Wednesday, the latest violence in the troubled region.
Mostly African insurgents in Darfur took up arms against the Arab-dominated government in 2003, accusing the government in Khartoum of neglecting the remote territory.
Khartoum mobilised troops and allied Arab tribes to quell the rebellion, unleashing a wave of violence that the United Nations and other observers estimate may have killed hundreds of thousands of people.
International efforts to broker an end to the conflict have failed to produce lasting peace, hampered by rebel divisions, continuing military operations and other difficulties.
Army spokesman Sawarmi Khalid Saad told Reuters that on Tuesday the army had attacked fighters of the rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) in the area of Baashim in North Darfur. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Wednesday, March 07, 2012
ICC frustrated with Darfur
UNITED NATIONS, March 6 (UPI) -- War crimes in Sudan's troubled region of Darfur have continued despite international arrest warrants for key perpetrators, the ICC lamented.
Luis Moreno-Ocampo said at U.N. headquarters that issuing arrest warrants wasn't enough to end the crisis so long as crimes in Darfur continue.
"I think we did something complicated -- we investigated the crime, we collected the evidence, we clarified the responsibilities," he said. "But our effort is not enough if the crime is not stopped."
The prosecutor didn't elaborate on security issues in Darfur.
The ICC last week issued a warrant for the arrest of Sudanese Defense Minister Abdelrahim Mohamed Hussein. He's wanted for crimes committed in Darfur from 2003-04. The court said it had "reasonable ground to believe" he committed crimes against the civilian population. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Tuesday, March 06, 2012
Ocampo Analogizes Darfur to Auschwitz, As Bashir's Invited to Doha
Ocampo Analogizes Darfur to Auschwitz, As Bashir's Invited to Doha, Free Press Question on Kenya Witness
By Matthew Russell Lee
UNITED NATIONS, March 5 -- Outgoing International Criminal Court prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo bragged Monday that Kuwait, a non member of the ICC, is saying the Syria and Bashar al Assad should be referred to the ICC.
But elsewhere in the Gulf, as Ocampo should know but didn't say, ICC indictee Omar al Bashir of Sudan had been invited to Doha, Qatar for a conference of the UN International Telecommunications Union. So has international justice progressed in the Gulf? Or in the UN?
Inner City Press asked Ocampo about photographs with Bashir recently taken by the UN - Africa Union envoy to Darfur Ibrahim Gambari, and about a draft General Assembly resolution which would urge Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to discourage such contacts, which have included the UN flying ICC indictee Ahmed Haroun into Abyei, where later civilians were killed.
Ocampo replied that if you were a Darfur victim, you wouldn't like to see photos of Gambari with Bashir. But why go so soft on the UN, Gambari and Ban Ki-moon?
(From the draft GA resolution, Inner City Press first reported, the language urging that UN limit contacts with ICC indictees is set to be stripped. Its proponents say it was noticed just be being proposed. But when Inner City Press asked for Ban Ki-moon comment on it, there was nothing.)
Ocampo is a political animal: he knows which prosecutions are popular. Inner City Press asked him to comment on the new International Commission of Inquiry report on Libya, which details killings not only by Gaddafi forces, but also his opponents, and at least 60 by NATO.
Last time he spoke at the UN, Ocampo said "wait for the report of the International Commission of Inquiry." Now that it is out, and Inner City Press read to him from it, Ocampo says there is a Human Rights Council session on March 9, that his office will go to Libya in April and that he'll be back at the UN in May. And? Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Monday, March 05, 2012
ICC Prosecutor Calls to Bring End to Darfur Conflict
The Hague — On Saturday, Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court Luis Moreno Ocampo called for world leaders to continue to make efforts to bring an end to conflict Darfur.
The Prosecutor stressed that the appearance of President Al Bashir before a criminal court is only a matter of time.
Speaking from Doha on the Darfur situation and continued suffering Ocampo said, 'shame on Sudan and President Bashir and shame on the world. '
He called for collective action to work together to put an end to the suffering of the people and the crisis in Darfur.
RAPE AS A CONTINUING WEAPON OF WAR IN DARFUR: Reports, bibliography of studies, a compendium of incidents
RAPE AS A CONTINUING WEAPON OF WAR IN DARFUR: Reports, bibliography of studies, a compendium of incidents
Sexual violence and rape in Darfur have ceased to command the attention it once had—not because this brutal epidemic has ended but because of the absence of human rights reporting, news reporting, and the intimidation of humanitarian organizations ensures that we hear very little about one of the most brutal features of the Darfur genocide. This brief provides [1] a select bibliography of reports and studies examining the realities of rape and sexual violence in Darfur (in progress); [2] an overview of what was already evident of these realities from mid-2005; [3] a lengthy compendium of reports of specific incidents of sexual violence and rape. This compendium is also a work in progress, extending back into report archives, and grimly forward as rape continues to be reported on a nearly daily basis by Radio Dabanga, despite various assertions that Darfur is settling into a more “peaceful” state.
There can be no possible claim to definitive figures; but the evidence assembled here makes clear than many tens of thousands of Darfuri girls and women have been raped.
Eric Reeves
March 4, 2012
Part I: ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY (in progress)
(i) Amnesty International, “Sudan, Darfur: Rape as a Weapon of War” [July 19, 2004] at http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AFR54/076/2004 ] One of the very earliest human rights accounts of what had already reached epidemic proportions. This lengthy report by Amnesty is authoritative, based on very substantial field research, and compelling in its analysis and framing of issues in terms of international humanitarian and human rights law. It has never been the case that the international community was unaware of the scale of sexual violence and rape in Darfur; such awareness simply did not translate into meaningful responses.
(ii) Tara Gingerich, JD, MA and Jennifer Leaning, MD, SMH, “The Use of Rape as a Weapon of War in the conflict in Darfur, Sudan” (October 2004). Prepared for the US Agency for International Development/OTI under the auspices of the Harvard School of Public Health and the Francois-Xavier Bagnoud Center for Health and Human Rights. A powerful study of sexual violence in Darfur published in fall 2004, it deserves the closest attention.
(iii) Human Rights Watch, “Sexual violence and its consequences among displaced persons in Darfur and Chad,” (April 2005). Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Friday, March 02, 2012
Sudan's Darfur region dabbles with peace
By James Copnall
A graceful sweep of magnolia trees around a reservoir, accompanied by the low, productive, hum of a pump, hints at a very different image of Sudan's war-torn region of Darfur.
The area in western Sudan has been devastated by civil war since 2003, but Darfur is changing - for the better, some now believe.
A peace agreement, a reduction in fighting, and the limited but promising return of displaced people to their homes are held up as examples of Darfur's progress.
But the war is certainly not over, and life is still very tough for the millions of people who have been displaced by the conflict.
The Golo reservoir is being rehabilitated, with the aim of piping clean water to the town of Fasher.
Like many development projects, it is being paid for by foreign donors, in this case the UK.
Fasher, as with many other towns in Darfur, has come under unexpected pressure by the influx of frightened people uprooted by the war.
The UN estimates 1.7 million people are still displaced in Darfur. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Thursday, March 01, 2012
The ICC issues a warrant of arrest for the Sudanese Minister Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein
On 1 March 2012, Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued a warrant of arrest against Mr Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein (“Hussein”) for 41 counts of crimes against humanity and war crimes allegedly committed in the context of the situation in Darfur (Sudan). Mr Hussein is currently Minister of National Defence of the Sudanese Government and former Minister of the Interior and former Sudanese President’s Special Representative inDarfur.
The Chamber considers that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Hussein is criminally responsible for 20 counts of crimes against humanity (persecution, murder, forcible transfer, rape, inhumane acts, imprisonment or severe deprivation of liberty and torture) and 21 counts of war crimes (murder, attacks against civilian population, destruction of property, rape, pillaging and outrage upon personal dignity). These crimes were allegedly committed against the primarily Fur populations of the towns of Kodoom, Bindisi, Mukjar, Arawala and surrounding areas by the Sudanese armed forces and the Militia/Janjaweed in the context of a counter-insurgency campaign against the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A), the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and other groups opposing the Government. The plan of the counter-insurgency campaign was allegedly formulated at the highest levels of the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and had allegedly as a core component an unlawful attack on that part of the civilian population perceived by the Government as being close to the rebel groups.
The Chamber considers that in his role as Minister of the Interior and Special Representative of the President in Darfur and as an influential member of the Government of the Republic of the Sudan, Mr Hussein made essential contributions to the formulation and implementation of the common plan, inter alia, through his overall coordination of national, state and local security entities and through the recruitment, arming and funding of the police forces and the Militia/Janjaweed in Darfur. Furthermore the Chamber considers that his arrest appears to be necessary to ensure his appearance at trial and to ensure that he will not obstruct or endanger the investigations. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Wednesday, February 29, 2012
Remember Darfur
f
orgotten twenty-first century genocide. This is how Daowd Salih, founder of the Damanga Coalition for Freedom and Democracy in Sudan, referred to the current situation in Darfur.
Since February 2003, Darfur, a western Sudanese region, has suffered intense conflicts affecting an estimated five million citizens. Although the United Nations initially paid substantial attention to this region, in recent years there has been an undeniable abatement of active intervention, foreign mediation and media attention in Darfur.
The conflict commenced in early 2003, when rebel groups in Darfur revolted against the central government, decrying its negligence in the region. The groups claimed that the policies of the repressive government in Khartoum had done little to solve the chronic food shortage in the west. Many in Darfur believed this abandonment was the result of a deep-rooted ethnic divide. High poverty rates plagued the region, which has scarce access to water and other resources. Therefore, when nomadic ‘Arab’ tribes moved into the area to graze their herds, the settled ethnic ‘African’ farmers were angered. Salih says that the central Arab government in Khartoum did little to intervene in the conflicts that ensued between these groups because they consider the ‘African’ citizens an inferior race to their ‘Arab’ counterparts. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Saturday, February 25, 2012
Horror and hope in Darfur
The hunger, sorrow, pain, fear, deprivation, hopelessness, despair and terror the people of Darfur in western Sudan endure every day have been brought to the stage in Uganda.
The dance performance, is a fusion of dance, music, and video titled The Power of Hope, was staged at the National Theatre in Kampala on February 15.
It was dedicated to the people of Darfur and to all those who are oppressed and refuse to be beaten.
In the production, the Darfurians are trapped in a net from which they are struggling to escape.
Women and girls are seen taking long journeys in the dry seasons to fetch water, afraid of what will befall them.
They later celebrate the coming of the rains. Armed men attack villages and the cries of women and children are heard. The Power of Hope, is about the resilient spirit of Darfurians, one that will not be broken. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Sunday, February 19, 2012
Darfur: Severe Food Shortages in North Darfur
Malha — The Minister of agriculture for North Darfur, Howa Suleiman announced severe food shortages in the north-eastern parts of the state.
Suleiman named the localities of Malha, Kuma, Melit, Dar el Salaam and Kilimondo as especially affected.
In an interview with Radio Dabanga the Minister said there is a deficit of 120,000 tonnes of grain, primarily millet, for humans and animals alike, with many fleeing the area to search for food.
She attributed the crop deficit to a lack of rain during the planting season.
The state governor Mohammed Yousuf Kibir and the World Food Programme have both reported North Darfur as one of the most affected states by food shortages.
Separately, the Minister denied there is any corruption involved in the state's Abu Hamra agricultural project, despite the fact that citizens of the area have seen no benefits in 30 years. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Thursday, February 09, 2012
Darfur Women Take on Hard Labour
Across the Darfur region of western Sudan, female workers weighed down by heavy buckets are a common sight on building sites.
The work is arduous and the pay pitiful, but many women in Darfur have no other way of earning a living.
“This work is very hard,” said Aisha (not her real name), who works on a construction site in Nyala. “Most days, we stay on the site from six in the morning to six at night without eating anything. We drink water perhaps once or twice a day. Anything we do eat is taken out of what we are paid.”
Khadeja, another construction worker in Nyala, said, “We earn two Sudanese pounds [about half a US dollar] each day and sometimes we don’t even get that. There are men working with us, but they earn five Sudanese pounds or more. We asked if we could be paid the same as men, but our employers refused.”
The strenuous work often has serious health repercussions. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Amnesty: imported arms fueling Darfur conflict
Amnesty: imported arms fueling Darfur conflict
(AP) – 7 hours ago
NEW YORK (AP) — Weapons from China, Russia and Belarus are fueling the nine-year-old conflict in Sudan's Darfur region, Amnesty International said in a report late Wednesday.
The human rights group said arms manufactured and supplied from the three countries — "or evidence of their use" — have been found in Darfur and other conflict areas including South Kordofan near the border with newly independent South Sudan.
The report documents how China, Russia and Belarus continue to supply weapons and munitions to Sudan despite what Amnesty said is "compelling evidence that the arms will be used against civilians in Darfur."
It said exports include significant quantities of ammunition, helicopter gunships, attack aircrafts, air-to-ground rockets and armored vehicles.
Amnesty said the report highlights the urgent need for effective controls by the United Nations over the flow of arms.
The 29-page report was released a week before the U.N. Security Council considers existing sanctions against Sudan. U.N. member states are also to resume talks next week on an arms trade treaty. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Friday, February 03, 2012
A diplomat, a dictator, a wedding, a hug: Ibrahim Gambari's faux-pas that wasn't
Advice to aspiring diplomats: Don’t hug war criminals, and especially don’t be photographed hugging them. That’s what happened to Ibrahim Gambari, the UN’s man in Darfur, when he ran into Sudan’s President Bashir at a glitzy wedding in Khartoum. But here’s the thing: hugs and socialising are part of diplomacy, and might be what’s needed to keep the faltering peace process going. By SIMON ALLISON.
It was a sweltering night in Khartoum, as they all are, but that didn’t stop the very select group of guests from donning their finest for the occasion. Amani Musa Hilal, the bride, looked radiant in her white, western-style dress, and the exclusive Rotana Hotel was decked out (and in security lock-down) for her nuptials. Conspicuous by his absence was her husband-to-be, a certain Idriss Deby, the 60-year-old President of Chad. But he does have a country to run and the beautiful Amani is merely another addition to his stable of wives. But to make sure the wedding lost none of its glamour, another president was in attendance. Sudan’s Omar Al Bashir, the only sitting head of state ever to have been charged with war crimes by the International Criminal Court, didn’t look too concerned about the accusations hanging over his head as he danced and partied. Nor did he seem worried about the breakdown in relations with South Sudan, his government’s severe financial difficulties, the impending famine in certain border states or the smouldering rebellions in various parts of his country. In fact, he was positively beaming when he was photographed with one of the special guests, Ibrahim Gambari.
Gambari is head of Unamid, the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur. His job is to mediate a solution between the various actors in that nasty little conflict, and do what he can to keep the very tenuous peace. His job is most certainly not to fraternise with its main antagonists. Involved in this particular party were three of them. Bashir, his foreign minister, Abduraheem Hussein and the bride’s father, the infamous Musa Hilal, known as the leader of the Janjaweed militias, which were directly responsible for much of the killing in Darfur. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Famine in Darfur
By admin On January 28, 2012 · Leave a Comment · In World Famines ....Authors: Joanna Mieczkowska and Dominika Iszczek
World Information Transfer UN Intern, fall 2011
Overview
In Duran about 2 million people have been displaced by war that began in 2003. This conflict caused problems with trade and markets, severely affecting people’s livelihoods. An increase in conflict in the Abyei area and in the state of South Kordofan displaced hundreds of thousands of people from their homes. Strained livelihoods are major concerns and many households are food insecure.
In 2004, Darfur, Sudan was described as the “world’s greatest humanitarian crisis” due to conflict.
Twenty years previously, Darfur was also the site of a disastrous famine.
Darfur is affected by sporadic tribal conflict and poor rainfall, resulting in sudden market fluctuations, livelihood changes and displacement.
Seasonal food shortages (hunger gaps) combined with drought are highly dangerous.
In West Darfur, 69% out of the 1.3 million population of the state are depending on monthly rations of the general food distribution.
The May 2010, West Darfur Food Security Monitoring Survey reported that the cost of a minimum healthy food basket has increased 14% between February and May 20101
The November 2009 West Darfur Food Security Monitoring results indicated a significant deterioration in the food security situation as majority of IDPs (80%) and mixed communities (65%) was moderately food insecure.1
Food Security and Livelihood Assessment2
Started in 2004
Assess the food security and livelihood situation of displaced populations and rural communities and their access to food security assistance and other services.
Ran by the Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC), the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (MOAF), the World Food Programme (WFP) and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO).
FINDINGS:
In recent years, the percent of food insecure households has decreased but it was still a staggering 45% in 2008 (1.7 million people).
Involvement Improvements:
Access to clean water in 2007 stood at 76% (Darfur Food Security and Nutrition Assessment 2007), while 3 million conflict-affected people had access to basic health services (UNICEF reports).
Under-five mortality rates have fallen over the last four years from 1.03 in 2004 to 0.67 in 2007 (Darfur Food Security and Nutrition Assessments 2004-2007). Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Thursday, February 02, 2012
U.N. Chief for Darfur Attends Celebration Hosted by Top Janjaweed Leader” (Enough Project, February 1, 2012)
by Eric Reeves
In March 2004 the U.N.’s IRIN news service reported on the events of the previous month near Tawila in North Darfur. It was a brutal episode, but there would be many hundreds more such:
“In an attack on 27 February 2004 in the Tawilah area of northern Darfur, 30 villages were burned to the ground, over 200 people killed and over 200 girls and women raped—some by up to 14 assailants and in front of their fathers who were later killed. A further 150 women and 200 children were abducted.”
Eight years later, events of a rather different sort were transpiring. The man who had been presiding over the slaughter of civilians in the Tawila area, Janjaweed leader Musa Hilal, was now presiding over the wedding of his daughter to the Chadian President Idriss Déby (January 20, 2012). There were a number of ironies in this wedding, including the fact that Déby is a member of the non-Arab Zaghawa tribe, the same ethnic group that has been slaughtered in horrific fashion in places such as Tawila and elsewhere in Darfur.
But more than ironic, indeed deeply perverse, was the presence at this wedding party of the U.N./African Union Special Representative to the peacekeeping force in Darfur known as UNAMID: Nigeria’s Ibrahim Gambari. Newswire photographs have appeared that show Gambari in attendance, indeed chatting it up with the leader of the Khartoum regime, President Omar al-Bashir. Al-Bashir’s presence was both predictable and in its grim way appropriate: It was his regime that had released Hilal from prison (he was serving time for serious felony convictions) and put him to work[LH1] creating militias from his Um Jalal and other Arab tribal groups in North Darfur. The Khartoum regime provided him with weapons, logistics, intelligence, and most important, protection. His instructions were clear: destroy the non-Arab people of Darfur. The Janjaweed, now often recycled into other paramilitary or “police” forces, have continued their brutal predations, if now on a lesser scale; they also continue to enjoy complete impunity, total protection from international justice efforts.
So we know why Bashir was at the wedding. But why was Gambari there, photographed in animated conversation with Bashir? Why would he attend the wedding festivities for the daughter of a man linked in all credible human rights reporting on North Darfur with the very worst atrocity crimes—in fact, responsible for directing these crimes? Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Tuesday, January 31, 2012
Prendergast calls for ‘informed activism’
U.S. President Barack Obama said student groups were key to putting the conflicts in Darfur and Sudan on the radar screen of policymakers, according to John Prendergast, a prominent human rights activist, author and former Director for African Affairs at the National Security Council. Prendergast spoke Monday afternoon to a group of 40 Stanford students, staff and community members at the Arrillaga Family Dining Commons Study Room.
Prendergast praised the efforts of youth and student movements, such as anti-genocide movement STAND, which has a Stanford chapter, for its advocacy efforts. He encouraged students who are passionate about activism to use new media tools to craft personal stories that can mobilize the public and policymakers. Read more >>>>>>>>
Sudan: Beware, Khartoum Leaders Are Becoming Crazier
When the Second Vice President of Sudan Al Haj Adam Youssef who is also the senior advisor to the Janjaweed terrorists group in Darfur was quoted by Sudan Tribune website of Friday 27th January, 2012 as issuing a threat on SAF hitting Juba the capital of a sovereign nation in which are based diplomatic missions from all parts of the world including of United Nations Security Council members and its own embassy.
With this kind of nonsensical talk it is now abundantly clear that abnormality is creeping inside the National Congress Party in Khartoum for people who used to pretend to know international relations, made themselves organizers of international conferences in 1990s and in later years and to be exemplary to the people of the world are now speaking strange language.
When also they have resorted to stealing the oil of South Sudan openly indicates clearly that these people have lost their national integrity, and are becoming crazy by the minute. The language of the Second Vice President of Sudan lacked sanity and diplomatic approach by a personality of his status indicating clearly his lack of knowledge of addressing common issues which involves international concern. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Sunday, January 29, 2012
“Evil and Ignorance: The Case of Darfur,” Dissent Magazine, January 26, 2012
What is the role of ignorance in allowing evil to thrive? Can ignorance be a form of acquiescence? When does ignorance of evil become culpable in itself? These are large questions, but ones worth asking of public intellectuals who presume to speak about the nature of evil, and on this basis particular instances of evil.
In his much-reviewed new book Political Evil, political scientist Alan Wolfe attempts to diagnose various forms of political naïveté among those attempting to respond to political evil (as opposed to the evil of individuals). If evil will always be with us, and will always be in some sense incomprehensible, Wolfe wants to argue—in the tradition of Orwell, Arendt, Niebuhr, and others—that we can speak seriously about the meaning of political evil, and work to halt the use of evil for political or ideological gain. He is contemptuous of those who look to international courts of justice or to misguided liberal human rights agendas, and of those who indulge in “indiscriminate” characterizations of atrocity crimes. He is particularly contemptuous of American-led advocacy efforts to respond to large-scale human destruction in Darfur. Indeed, Darfur is his test case for a principled realism, which allows us to diagnose and respond to events in maximally effective fashion.
At the heart of Wolfe’s claims is the argument that what occurred in Darfur beginning in early 2003 was not genocide but civil war, an insurgency that prompted a predictable counter-insurgency by the Khartoum regime. Wolfe acknowledged in a roundtable discussion at the New Republic (March 2009)—in which I and others participated—that he “was not an expert on Darfur,” but this confession has not prevented him from picking and choosing among historical and sociological facts and opinions in order to make the case that genocide had not occurred. Comparisons to Rwanda are wholly inappropriate, Wolfe argues in his new book and elsewhere, and responses of the sort required in Rwanda are correspondingly ill-considered when it comes to Darfur. Raed more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
In his much-reviewed new book Political Evil, political scientist Alan Wolfe attempts to diagnose various forms of political naïveté among those attempting to respond to political evil (as opposed to the evil of individuals). If evil will always be with us, and will always be in some sense incomprehensible, Wolfe wants to argue—in the tradition of Orwell, Arendt, Niebuhr, and others—that we can speak seriously about the meaning of political evil, and work to halt the use of evil for political or ideological gain. He is contemptuous of those who look to international courts of justice or to misguided liberal human rights agendas, and of those who indulge in “indiscriminate” characterizations of atrocity crimes. He is particularly contemptuous of American-led advocacy efforts to respond to large-scale human destruction in Darfur. Indeed, Darfur is his test case for a principled realism, which allows us to diagnose and respond to events in maximally effective fashion.
At the heart of Wolfe’s claims is the argument that what occurred in Darfur beginning in early 2003 was not genocide but civil war, an insurgency that prompted a predictable counter-insurgency by the Khartoum regime. Wolfe acknowledged in a roundtable discussion at the New Republic (March 2009)—in which I and others participated—that he “was not an expert on Darfur,” but this confession has not prevented him from picking and choosing among historical and sociological facts and opinions in order to make the case that genocide had not occurred. Comparisons to Rwanda are wholly inappropriate, Wolfe argues in his new book and elsewhere, and responses of the sort required in Rwanda are correspondingly ill-considered when it comes to Darfur. Raed more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Friday, January 27, 2012
A day in the life of an African refugee in south Tel Aviv
Haaretz' Gideon Levy spends the day with Yitzhak Muhammad Said, an asylum seeker from Darfur who recently came to Israel.
Said, along with dozens like him, lives in Tel Aviv's Levinski Park. The park has become a makeshift home for dozens of refugees who come to Israel seeking asylum and work, only to be caught in the quagmire of Israeli bureaucracy with very little options left.
A new law approved by the Israeli Knesset this month called "The infiltration prevention law" prevents the refugees from working and has created a fierce debate within Israeli society. Read more >>>>>>>>>>
Said, along with dozens like him, lives in Tel Aviv's Levinski Park. The park has become a makeshift home for dozens of refugees who come to Israel seeking asylum and work, only to be caught in the quagmire of Israeli bureaucracy with very little options left.
A new law approved by the Israeli Knesset this month called "The infiltration prevention law" prevents the refugees from working and has created a fierce debate within Israeli society. Read more >>>>>>>>>>
Tuesday, January 24, 2012
Stopping Sudanese genocides
By IRWIN COTLER
Earlier this month, the US special envoy on Sudan, Princeton Lyman, called upon South Africa – current chair of the UN Security Council – to ensure that “crisis is averted” in Sudan, saying, “The prospect of hundreds of thousands of people dying with no access to food or medicine is something we can’t accept.”
South Africa has long been a mediator in Sudan and its leadership is needed now more than ever. Sudanese officials are engaged in an escalating and violent triangular assault on two states that border South Sudan – South Kordofan and Blue Nile – as well as on the oil-rich region of Abyei coveted by Khartoum.
Sudanese expert Eric Reeves recently described and documented this now ominously parallel triangular assault as follows:
Accelerating violence by Khartoum’s regular and militia forces threatens many hundreds of thousands of civilians in Blue Nile and South Kordofan; the regime’s military seizure of Abyei is now a fait accompli; the international community seems unable even to speak about the urgent need for cross-border humanitarian corridors to reach highly distressed populations. War has begun again in Sudan, and it is a war whose historical trajectory is tragically clear. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Earlier this month, the US special envoy on Sudan, Princeton Lyman, called upon South Africa – current chair of the UN Security Council – to ensure that “crisis is averted” in Sudan, saying, “The prospect of hundreds of thousands of people dying with no access to food or medicine is something we can’t accept.”
South Africa has long been a mediator in Sudan and its leadership is needed now more than ever. Sudanese officials are engaged in an escalating and violent triangular assault on two states that border South Sudan – South Kordofan and Blue Nile – as well as on the oil-rich region of Abyei coveted by Khartoum.
Sudanese expert Eric Reeves recently described and documented this now ominously parallel triangular assault as follows:
Accelerating violence by Khartoum’s regular and militia forces threatens many hundreds of thousands of civilians in Blue Nile and South Kordofan; the regime’s military seizure of Abyei is now a fait accompli; the international community seems unable even to speak about the urgent need for cross-border humanitarian corridors to reach highly distressed populations. War has begun again in Sudan, and it is a war whose historical trajectory is tragically clear. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Friday, January 20, 2012
They Bombed Everything that Moved’: Aerial military attacks on civilians and humanitarians in Sudan, 1999 – 2012″ (Update, January 12, 2012)
by: Eric Reeves
Since inaugurating hostilities in South Kordofan on June 5, 2011, Khartoum’s Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) military aircraft have been engaged in relentless, widespread, and systematic attacks on civilian targets throughout the state, particularly in the Nuba Mountains. Similarly, since fighting began in Blue Nile on September 1, 2011, bombing has been relentless, widespread, and systematic. Many hundreds of civilians have been killed or wounded, although even a broadly approximate census has no real authority; judging from the character of reports and the geographic dispersion of the attacks, the figure is more likely to be in the thousands.
Most consequentially, aerial attacks have displaced many hundreds of thousands of civilians from South Kordofan (chiefly into Unity State in South Sudan) and Blue Nile (chiefly into Ethiopia, and Upper Nile in South Sudan). The UN figure of 417,000 displaced first promulgated in mid-December 2011 is almost certainly low, since much is excluded from the data sets available (the January 11 estimate of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army-North [SPLM/A-N] is over 700,000 within Blue Nile and South Kordofan). Many of the displaced are unable to travel the distances required to escape the violence, and have stayed in areas not controlled by Khartoum’s forces, but which are inaccessible and highly vulnerable. They remain subject to aerial attacks, and have often fled at least some distance from their homes and lands. And the flow of refugees is unceasing: the UN Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) reported that relief organizations in mid-December estimated that “at least 1,000 refugees are arriving daily in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State” (December 14, Doro, Upper Nile). There are also reports of large groups of people who have had to halt in their flight to safety, but have so far not been registered or provided for. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Since inaugurating hostilities in South Kordofan on June 5, 2011, Khartoum’s Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) military aircraft have been engaged in relentless, widespread, and systematic attacks on civilian targets throughout the state, particularly in the Nuba Mountains. Similarly, since fighting began in Blue Nile on September 1, 2011, bombing has been relentless, widespread, and systematic. Many hundreds of civilians have been killed or wounded, although even a broadly approximate census has no real authority; judging from the character of reports and the geographic dispersion of the attacks, the figure is more likely to be in the thousands.
Most consequentially, aerial attacks have displaced many hundreds of thousands of civilians from South Kordofan (chiefly into Unity State in South Sudan) and Blue Nile (chiefly into Ethiopia, and Upper Nile in South Sudan). The UN figure of 417,000 displaced first promulgated in mid-December 2011 is almost certainly low, since much is excluded from the data sets available (the January 11 estimate of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army-North [SPLM/A-N] is over 700,000 within Blue Nile and South Kordofan). Many of the displaced are unable to travel the distances required to escape the violence, and have stayed in areas not controlled by Khartoum’s forces, but which are inaccessible and highly vulnerable. They remain subject to aerial attacks, and have often fled at least some distance from their homes and lands. And the flow of refugees is unceasing: the UN Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) reported that relief organizations in mid-December estimated that “at least 1,000 refugees are arriving daily in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State” (December 14, Doro, Upper Nile). There are also reports of large groups of people who have had to halt in their flight to safety, but have so far not been registered or provided for. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Thursday, January 19, 2012
Amid Darfur 'peace' residents cite gunfire, rape
Almost a decade after government-backed Janjaweed militias began a "genocide" in Sudan's Darfur, shootings, rapes, looting and arson continue, residents say. But officials are touting a deal signed last year between the government and an alliance of rebel splinter factions
as the best hope for peace, and say security is showing signs of improvement.
"Darfur is at a crossroads," Ibrahim Gambari, who leads UNAMID, the joint African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur, said in a statement on Wednesday.
"One direction is toward more peace, more progress, more movement toward early recovery and development; and one side is leaning towards the enemies of peace, the spoilers."
Darfur plunged into uncertainty in December when government forces announced they had killed Khalil Ibrahim, who led the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), once Darfur's most heavily armed group.
JEM said this week that it is "still active and still able to do what we want", despite the loss of Ibrahim.
The group has not signed the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, which Khartoum inked in Qatar.
"I think they still feel bitter about the death of their leader," said Khalil Adam, of a UNAMID-backed citizens' liaison group. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>
as the best hope for peace, and say security is showing signs of improvement.
"Darfur is at a crossroads," Ibrahim Gambari, who leads UNAMID, the joint African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur, said in a statement on Wednesday.
"One direction is toward more peace, more progress, more movement toward early recovery and development; and one side is leaning towards the enemies of peace, the spoilers."
Darfur plunged into uncertainty in December when government forces announced they had killed Khalil Ibrahim, who led the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), once Darfur's most heavily armed group.
JEM said this week that it is "still active and still able to do what we want", despite the loss of Ibrahim.
The group has not signed the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, which Khartoum inked in Qatar.
"I think they still feel bitter about the death of their leader," said Khalil Adam, of a UNAMID-backed citizens' liaison group. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>
Malnourished children receive help at UNICEF-supported nutrition centre in North Darfur, Sudan
EL FASHER, North Darfur State, Sudan, 18 January 2012 – Abu Badriya is a soft-spoken man with a face that lights up when he smiles. A traditional healer, or ‘faki’, by profession, he has become an unusual but important partner in the fight against child malnutrition in this part of Darfur.
He stands tall and wears his turban and ‘djallabia’ – traditional Sudanese attire – with grace. But like many here, he bears scars from the years of conflict in Darfur. A bullet wound to his right leg left him with a limp and ongoing pain.
His role as a healer means many people turn to him for help. Parents sometimes bring their sick children to him for a form of traditional healing called ‘ruqaya’.
But Mr. Badriya understands that, in many cases, especially those involving children, conventional medical treatment must be used as well.
And when it comes to dealing with malnutrition among children, he does not hesitate to refer families to the local Therapeutic Feeding Centre (TFC), which is supported by UNICEF.Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Tuesday, January 17, 2012
Thousands of Darfur refugees remain displaced in Chad
Almost nine years after the civil war in Darfur, western Sudan, repercussions are still felt by tens of thousands of refugees who were forced to flee to camps in neighbouring Chad.
The conflict flared in 2003 when rebels in Darfur took up arms, accusing the government of neglecting the region. Refugees accuse the government of responding with a brutal campaign of violence.
It forced hundreds of thousands of people to flee their homes.
The BBC's David Loyn has visited a refugee camp in eastern Chad where the people are still living - having moved out of Darfur in 2003 and 2004.
He explains how, despite peace talks and a peace-keeping force in place in Darfur, it has been impossible for the international community to provide enough security for the displaced to return to their homes. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>
Monday, January 16, 2012
Chad expels UK Darfur aid envoy Mukesh Kapila
A senior British aid official has been expelled from Chad while attempting to visit Darfur refugees still living in the east of the country.
Mukesh Kapila was the outspoken head of the UN in Sudan when the Darfur conflict began nine years ago.
Chad's interior minister personally ordered him to leave the country.
Mr Kapila says his expulsion is because Chad has close ties to Sudan's government, which he has accused of genocide.
This was Mr Kapila's first visit to the region since he was removed from his post in 2004 when - frustrated by his failure to persuade the international community to take action on the unfolding crisis in Darfur - he went public, speaking to the BBC.
Mr Kapila is haunted by his inability to stop the massacres in Darfur.
Some 2.7 million people have fled their homes since the conflict began in Sudan's arid western region, and the UN says about 300,000 have died - from war, hunger and disease. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Mukesh Kapila was the outspoken head of the UN in Sudan when the Darfur conflict began nine years ago.
Chad's interior minister personally ordered him to leave the country.
Mr Kapila says his expulsion is because Chad has close ties to Sudan's government, which he has accused of genocide.
This was Mr Kapila's first visit to the region since he was removed from his post in 2004 when - frustrated by his failure to persuade the international community to take action on the unfolding crisis in Darfur - he went public, speaking to the BBC.
Mr Kapila is haunted by his inability to stop the massacres in Darfur.
Some 2.7 million people have fled their homes since the conflict began in Sudan's arid western region, and the UN says about 300,000 have died - from war, hunger and disease. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Tuesday, January 10, 2012
ICC/ SUDAN - DARFUR REBEL LAWYERS SLAM KHARTOUM, SEEK CASE SUSPENSION
The Hague, January 9, 2012 (FH) - Lawyers for Darfur rebel leaders Abdallah Banda and Saleh Jerbo before the International Criminal Court are asking the Court to suspend proceedings. They say they cannot investigate properly because of Sudan's refusal to cooperate with the Court, and that their clients will therefore not get a fair trial.
Former commander of the Justice and Equality Movement Banda, and former Chief of Staff of SLA-Unity Jerbo are accused of crimes against humanity for a 2007 attack on Haskanita military base, in which twelve international peacekeepers died. The two men have appeared voluntarily before the ICC. No date has yet been set for their trial.
Defence lawyers Karim Khan and Nicolas Koumjian say the government of Sudan not only refuses to cooperate with investigations, but has made any cooperation with the ICC a criminal offence. The two lawyers have been trying to conduct investigations in Sudan since 2010, without success. They say telephone conversations with witnesses inside the country are also impossible because the Sudanese authorities monitor calls.
Khartoum has been opposing the ICC ever since the Court issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir in July 2008 for crimes allegedly committed in Darfur.
SM/ER/JC/GF
© Hirondelle News Agency
Former commander of the Justice and Equality Movement Banda, and former Chief of Staff of SLA-Unity Jerbo are accused of crimes against humanity for a 2007 attack on Haskanita military base, in which twelve international peacekeepers died. The two men have appeared voluntarily before the ICC. No date has yet been set for their trial.
Defence lawyers Karim Khan and Nicolas Koumjian say the government of Sudan not only refuses to cooperate with investigations, but has made any cooperation with the ICC a criminal offence. The two lawyers have been trying to conduct investigations in Sudan since 2010, without success. They say telephone conversations with witnesses inside the country are also impossible because the Sudanese authorities monitor calls.
Khartoum has been opposing the ICC ever since the Court issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir in July 2008 for crimes allegedly committed in Darfur.
SM/ER/JC/GF
© Hirondelle News Agency
Sunday, December 25, 2011
Genocide in Darfur remains critical
by Brandt Gelman
Daniel Solomon, a junior at Georgetown University and national student director of STAND (the student-led division of United Against Genocide), traveled to Pittsburgh this past weekend to impart one message: The genocide taking place in Sudan “is not over.”
Speaking at local venues during his stay in Pittsburgh, Solomon, a Jewish student leader, captivated audiences with his wealth of knowledge on the issues taking place in the Sudan and his immense enthusiasm to inspire a means for global change.
He addressed audiences at the Hillel Jewish University Center and Congregation Beth Shalom.
One driving factor behind Solomon’s trip to Pittsburgh was the area’s commitment to widening STAND’s influence on a global level. With core chapters at the University of Pittsburgh and Pittsburgh Allderdice High School, Solomon was anxious to connect with many young adults who share the same passion as he does to create change within our world.
“The change we want to take place is not something that can happen overnight,” Solomon said. “It is great to see how many students have the desire to commit to organizations such as STAND, to help bring change to the world.” Read more: >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Daniel Solomon, a junior at Georgetown University and national student director of STAND (the student-led division of United Against Genocide), traveled to Pittsburgh this past weekend to impart one message: The genocide taking place in Sudan “is not over.”
Speaking at local venues during his stay in Pittsburgh, Solomon, a Jewish student leader, captivated audiences with his wealth of knowledge on the issues taking place in the Sudan and his immense enthusiasm to inspire a means for global change.
He addressed audiences at the Hillel Jewish University Center and Congregation Beth Shalom.
One driving factor behind Solomon’s trip to Pittsburgh was the area’s commitment to widening STAND’s influence on a global level. With core chapters at the University of Pittsburgh and Pittsburgh Allderdice High School, Solomon was anxious to connect with many young adults who share the same passion as he does to create change within our world.
“The change we want to take place is not something that can happen overnight,” Solomon said. “It is great to see how many students have the desire to commit to organizations such as STAND, to help bring change to the world.” Read more: >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Sunday, December 18, 2011
ICC prosecutor: Sudanese president’s ‘destiny’ is to face justice for alleged war crimes
UNITED NATIONS — The chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Court said Thursday that Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir’s “destiny” is clear: he will face justice for alleged genocide and crimes against humanity in Darfur.
Luis Moreno Ocampo said it took 18 years to arrest all 161 people indicated by the U.N. tribunal prosecuting war crimes in former Yugoslavia, and al-Bashir will eventually be arrested and handed over to the ICC.
“International justice is here to stay,” he told a news conference after briefing the U.N. Security Council. “It will take time but the destiny is clear. He will face justice.”
Moreno Ocampo said all countries — including Sudan — have a legal obligation under the Security Council resolution that referred the Darfur conflict to the court in 2005 to arrest al-Bashir and two other Sudanese indicted by the ICC.
Sudan’s U.N. Ambassador Daffa-Alla Elhag Ali Osman disputed Moreno Ocampo’s allegations of war crimes against Sudanese officials, stressing that Sudan is not a party to the Rome statute that established the court “and we do not recognize the ICC.”
Moreno Ocampo said that at the closed Security Council meeting there was “full support for arrest warrants issued” by the court.Read more >>>>>>>>
Luis Moreno Ocampo said it took 18 years to arrest all 161 people indicated by the U.N. tribunal prosecuting war crimes in former Yugoslavia, and al-Bashir will eventually be arrested and handed over to the ICC.
“International justice is here to stay,” he told a news conference after briefing the U.N. Security Council. “It will take time but the destiny is clear. He will face justice.”
Moreno Ocampo said all countries — including Sudan — have a legal obligation under the Security Council resolution that referred the Darfur conflict to the court in 2005 to arrest al-Bashir and two other Sudanese indicted by the ICC.
Sudan’s U.N. Ambassador Daffa-Alla Elhag Ali Osman disputed Moreno Ocampo’s allegations of war crimes against Sudanese officials, stressing that Sudan is not a party to the Rome statute that established the court “and we do not recognize the ICC.”
Moreno Ocampo said that at the closed Security Council meeting there was “full support for arrest warrants issued” by the court.Read more >>>>>>>>
Thursday, December 15, 2011
Darfur: Civil Society Organizations submit letters to UN, EU and The International Criminal Court
15 December 2011
Civil Society Organizations urge UN, EU, AU and AL
to help ICC implement UNSC resolution 1593
Your Excellency,
UN Security Council referred the investigation of atrocity crimes in Darfur to the International Criminal Court in March 2005 (Resolution 1593). Since then The Chief Prosecutor of the ICC, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, conducted investigations which resulted in the indictment of 7 people including Darfur movement leaders and the president of The Sudan.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) issued warrants for the arrest of Sudan's president and other senior government officials. To date, none has appeared before the Court. The Court does not have the ability to arrest them. It is the responsibility of the member states of the United Nation to honour the resolution adopted by The Security Council.
We thank the Chief Prosecutor for his efforts during the last nine years and we are looking forward to cooperating with the new Chief Prosecutor of the court in relation to the situation in Darfur, the Sudan.
We the undersigned civil society organizations urge member states of The United Nation, the European Union, the African Union and the Arab League to fully cooperate with The International Criminal Court to implement its mandate and prosecute those indicted for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Darfur.
The undersigned:
A.I, Secretary-General
Kassab Refugee Camp, Kuttum, Sudan
Hussain Begira, Chair person
Darfur Union, UK & Ireland
Abdelbagi Jibril, Executive Director
Darfur Relief & Documentation Centre, Switzerland
Ahmed M. Mohamedain
Darfur Union, The Netherlands
Adeeb Yousif, Executive Director
Darfur Reconciliation and Development Organization (DRDO), USA
ISSA TAHAR
Darfourie Association in French (ACDF), France
Mohammed Esmail, Executive Director
Darfur Committee Association (DCA), South Africa
Abdelhadi Abakr, Chairman
Darfur Call, The Netherlands
Ahmed Haroun, Chairman
Darfur Association, Norway
Sabir Abu Saadia
Darfur Solidarity Group, South Africa,
Mahjob Abdalla
Darfur Diaspora Association – Canada
Abdalmageed S. Haroun, Chairperson
Human Rights & Advocacy Network for Democracy (HAND), USA
Mohamed A Muhagir, Financial secretary
Association of Darfur Reporters and Journalists, Netherlands
Niemat Ahmadi, President and Founder
Darfur Women Action Group, USA
Abdelaazim Tabag, Secretary of Communications
Darfur Association, Belgium
Mohamed Suleiman
Darfuri Activist, California, U.S.A
Mohamed Adam Al-hassan, Executive Director
Social Peace Initiative for Darfur (SPID), Netherlands
Mustafa Siry Suliman
Journalist, Manchester UK
Gibril Hamid
Darfur Friedens- und Entwicklungs-Zentrum, Switzerland
Civil Society Organizations urge UN, EU, AU and AL
to help ICC implement UNSC resolution 1593
Your Excellency,
UN Security Council referred the investigation of atrocity crimes in Darfur to the International Criminal Court in March 2005 (Resolution 1593). Since then The Chief Prosecutor of the ICC, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, conducted investigations which resulted in the indictment of 7 people including Darfur movement leaders and the president of The Sudan.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) issued warrants for the arrest of Sudan's president and other senior government officials. To date, none has appeared before the Court. The Court does not have the ability to arrest them. It is the responsibility of the member states of the United Nation to honour the resolution adopted by The Security Council.
We thank the Chief Prosecutor for his efforts during the last nine years and we are looking forward to cooperating with the new Chief Prosecutor of the court in relation to the situation in Darfur, the Sudan.
We the undersigned civil society organizations urge member states of The United Nation, the European Union, the African Union and the Arab League to fully cooperate with The International Criminal Court to implement its mandate and prosecute those indicted for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Darfur.
The undersigned:
A.I, Secretary-General
Kassab Refugee Camp, Kuttum, Sudan
Hussain Begira, Chair person
Darfur Union, UK & Ireland
Abdelbagi Jibril, Executive Director
Darfur Relief & Documentation Centre, Switzerland
Ahmed M. Mohamedain
Darfur Union, The Netherlands
Adeeb Yousif, Executive Director
Darfur Reconciliation and Development Organization (DRDO), USA
ISSA TAHAR
Darfourie Association in French (ACDF), France
Mohammed Esmail, Executive Director
Darfur Committee Association (DCA), South Africa
Abdelhadi Abakr, Chairman
Darfur Call, The Netherlands
Ahmed Haroun, Chairman
Darfur Association, Norway
Sabir Abu Saadia
Darfur Solidarity Group, South Africa,
Mahjob Abdalla
Darfur Diaspora Association – Canada
Abdalmageed S. Haroun, Chairperson
Human Rights & Advocacy Network for Democracy (HAND), USA
Mohamed A Muhagir, Financial secretary
Association of Darfur Reporters and Journalists, Netherlands
Niemat Ahmadi, President and Founder
Darfur Women Action Group, USA
Abdelaazim Tabag, Secretary of Communications
Darfur Association, Belgium
Mohamed Suleiman
Darfuri Activist, California, U.S.A
Mohamed Adam Al-hassan, Executive Director
Social Peace Initiative for Darfur (SPID), Netherlands
Mustafa Siry Suliman
Journalist, Manchester UK
Gibril Hamid
Darfur Friedens- und Entwicklungs-Zentrum, Switzerland
Friday, December 02, 2011
ICC Prosecutor Presents New Case in Darfur
Today the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, requested Pre-Trial Chamber I to issue an arrest warrant against the current Sudanese Defense Minister Abdelrahim Mohamed Hussein for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Darfur from August 2003 to March 2004.
The evidence allowed the Office of the Prosecutor to conclude that Mr. Hussein is one of those who bears the greatest criminal responsibility for the same crimes and incidents presented in previous warrants of arrest for Ahmed Harun and Ali Kushayb issued by the Court on 27 April 2007. Mr. Hussein was then Minister for the Interior for the Government of Sudan and Special Representative of the President in Darfur, with all of the powers and responsibilities of the President. Mr. Hussein delegated some of his responsibilities to Mr. Harun, the Minister of State for the Interior, whom he appointed to head the “Darfur Security Desk.”
The crimes were perpetrated during attacks upon the towns and villages of Kodoom, Bindisi, Mukjar and Arawala in the Wadi Salih and Mukjar Localities of West Darfur. The attacks followed a common pattern: the Government of Sudan forces surrounded the villages, the Air Force dropped bombs indiscriminately and foot soldiers, including Militia/Janjaweed, killed, raped and looted the entire village, forcing the displacement of 4 million inhabitants. Currently, 2.5 million remain in camps for Internally Displaced Persons.
In the “Prosecution v. Harun & Kushayb” case, Pre-Trial Chamber I ruled that Local Security Committees coordinated these attacks. They were supervised by State Security Committees which reported to Mr. Harun, who in turn, according to the evidence, reported to Mr. Hussein. “The evidence shows that this was a state policy supervised by Mr. Hussein to ensure the coordination of attacks against civilians”, said Moreno-Ocampo.
“Moreover, the evidence shows that directly and through Mr. Harun, Mr. Hussein played a central role in coordinating the crimes, including in recruiting, mobilizing, funding, arming, training and the deployment of the Militia/Janjaweed as part of the Government of the Sudan forces, with the knowledge that these forces would commit the crimes,” said the Prosecutor.
The Prosecutor considered that Mr. Hussein should be arrested in order to prevent him from continuing with the commission of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court.
After careful consideration, the Office of the Prosecutor has decided to publicly seek a warrant against Mr. Hussein to encourage further public focus on Government of the Sudan policy and actions, and promote cooperation in taking action to arrest Mr. Hussein and the 3 other individuals subject to ICC warrants, as established by UN Security Council Resolution 1593 (2005).
The Prosecutor emphasized that Mr. Hussein is presumed innocent and will be given full rights and the opportunity to defend himself. Pre-Trial Chamber I will review the evidence and make a decision on the Prosecution’s request.
This is the fourth case of the International Criminal Court in Darfur. To date, ICC judges have issued arrest warrants against Ahmad Harun and Ali Kushayb - for crimes against humanity and war crimes; warrants of arrest against Omar Al-Bashir for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes; and summonses to appear for rebel leaders Abdallah Banda, Saleh Jerbo and Abu Garda for war crimes.
The Prosecutor will brief the United Nations Security Council on the situation in Darfur on 15 December 2011 at UN Headquarters.
For more information:
Florence Olara
OTP Public Information Officer
+31 70 515 8723 (office)
+31 65 029 4476 (cell)
The evidence allowed the Office of the Prosecutor to conclude that Mr. Hussein is one of those who bears the greatest criminal responsibility for the same crimes and incidents presented in previous warrants of arrest for Ahmed Harun and Ali Kushayb issued by the Court on 27 April 2007. Mr. Hussein was then Minister for the Interior for the Government of Sudan and Special Representative of the President in Darfur, with all of the powers and responsibilities of the President. Mr. Hussein delegated some of his responsibilities to Mr. Harun, the Minister of State for the Interior, whom he appointed to head the “Darfur Security Desk.”
The crimes were perpetrated during attacks upon the towns and villages of Kodoom, Bindisi, Mukjar and Arawala in the Wadi Salih and Mukjar Localities of West Darfur. The attacks followed a common pattern: the Government of Sudan forces surrounded the villages, the Air Force dropped bombs indiscriminately and foot soldiers, including Militia/Janjaweed, killed, raped and looted the entire village, forcing the displacement of 4 million inhabitants. Currently, 2.5 million remain in camps for Internally Displaced Persons.
In the “Prosecution v. Harun & Kushayb” case, Pre-Trial Chamber I ruled that Local Security Committees coordinated these attacks. They were supervised by State Security Committees which reported to Mr. Harun, who in turn, according to the evidence, reported to Mr. Hussein. “The evidence shows that this was a state policy supervised by Mr. Hussein to ensure the coordination of attacks against civilians”, said Moreno-Ocampo.
“Moreover, the evidence shows that directly and through Mr. Harun, Mr. Hussein played a central role in coordinating the crimes, including in recruiting, mobilizing, funding, arming, training and the deployment of the Militia/Janjaweed as part of the Government of the Sudan forces, with the knowledge that these forces would commit the crimes,” said the Prosecutor.
The Prosecutor considered that Mr. Hussein should be arrested in order to prevent him from continuing with the commission of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court.
After careful consideration, the Office of the Prosecutor has decided to publicly seek a warrant against Mr. Hussein to encourage further public focus on Government of the Sudan policy and actions, and promote cooperation in taking action to arrest Mr. Hussein and the 3 other individuals subject to ICC warrants, as established by UN Security Council Resolution 1593 (2005).
The Prosecutor emphasized that Mr. Hussein is presumed innocent and will be given full rights and the opportunity to defend himself. Pre-Trial Chamber I will review the evidence and make a decision on the Prosecution’s request.
This is the fourth case of the International Criminal Court in Darfur. To date, ICC judges have issued arrest warrants against Ahmad Harun and Ali Kushayb - for crimes against humanity and war crimes; warrants of arrest against Omar Al-Bashir for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes; and summonses to appear for rebel leaders Abdallah Banda, Saleh Jerbo and Abu Garda for war crimes.
The Prosecutor will brief the United Nations Security Council on the situation in Darfur on 15 December 2011 at UN Headquarters.
For more information:
Florence Olara
OTP Public Information Officer
+31 70 515 8723 (office)
+31 65 029 4476 (cell)
Pesident Omer al-Bashir trepidation over arrest
By Steve Paterno,
December 1, 2011 — Since the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant against President Omar al-Bashir in March of 2009, just overnight, the dictator became prisoner within the confines of his own country, as he risks apprehension in any case he travels abroad. In search for solution, the regime then mounted fierce diplomatic campaign to circumvent the ICC authority and have charges leveled against President al-Bashir be dropped. These alleged charges are horrendous. They are ten counts in total, ranging from crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide; for the ethnic cleansing that President al-Bashir is waging in Sudan’s Darfur region.
Unfortunately, the regime’s diplomatic bid didn’t render any considerable support that it desperately needed. Instead, the regime is only able to win the sympathy of a handful of insignificant and reluctant allies, who are toothless to foil ICC legal proceedings, which is taking the life of its own, with devastating toll against President al-Bashir’s reign.
Cornered, President al-Bashir had no choice but ended up considering to limit his visitations to those only few countries he thinks are sympathetic to him. Even then, those limited visitations come with surmountable risks. For example, President al-Bashir was invited during the inauguration of South African President Jacob Zuma in May of 2009, and the same officials who invited him, warned that if he ever showed, they will be forced to lock him up. This is also a similar case in Uganda, where President al-Bashir was invited on several occasions, but the potential for his arrest is left open. In all these incidents, President al-Bashir dropped the invitations all together, for fearing the obvious.
In some of President al-Bashir’s daring trips, he miraculously survived near arrest scares. The regime in Khartoum is always afraid of the danger that President al-Bashir’s plane would likely face midair flight diversion in some of the hostile airspace, which will eventually lead into his detention. He actually came too close to facing this scenario in June of this year when he was flying from Iran en route to China, only to encounter refusal for passage through the airspace of countries ready to arrest him. When President al-Bashir’s flight was diverted back into Tehran, his Chinese sympathizers were uncomfortably at lost and those in Khartoum confirmed their worst fear.
Those in Khartoum also happened to discover midair flight diversion was not the only danger President al-Bashir faces when he decides to travel abroad. For example, in one of President al-Bashir’s trips to Ethiopia, he was stuck inside his plane at Mekele Airport, because the airport crew could not bring the boarding ladder on time. The anxieties of President al-Bashir and those of his entourage were further exacerbated when they caught a sight of a plane bearing USA flag taxing near them. Their expressed mood was of “severe panic” that it was the end. Even though this was a false alarm, the tyrant never takes chances in these situations, knowing too well his ultimate fate.
President al-Bashirs other defiant trips are just outright embarrassing, such as in 2009, in Qatar where the Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva declined to sit next to President al-Bashir at a banquet organized for Arab and South American states summit and Argentinian President refused to take a group photo that included President al-Bashir. Who in their right sense could accept the offer to feast next to an infamous international fugitive with bloods of innocent lives on his hands or even be in the same photo with such a character.
The isolationism of President al-Bashir is further amplified by the wave of Arab Spring, which witnessed some of his fellow Arab-Islamic military dictators dramatically losing power, such is in the case of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak who is currently rotting in prison or the Libyan Colonel Maumar Gaddafi who was chased down the streets of his own hometown of Sirte and then smothered to death.
Kenya is one of the latest countries that deprived President al-Bashir of his limited freedom of travel. In 2010, President al-Bashir made a controversial trip to Kenya in order to attend a signing ceremony of Kenyan constitution. The visit put Kenyan government in awkward position as it received condemnations from all over the world. As a result, the Kenyan local chapter of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) petitioned the court to rule on the arrest warrant against President al-Bashir. Just this week, the Kenyan high court issued a landmark ruling, ordering the minister of internal security to immediately execute the arrest of President al-Bashir should he set foot in Kenya again. This ruling is significant not just because it bars President al-Bashir from traveling to Kenya, but it also sets legal precedent for justice loving people throughout Africa to compel their governments to execute the arrest warrant of international fugitives like President al-Bashir through the court system.
Although the regime in Khartoum is trying to downplay the significance of the Kenyan high court ruling, President al-Bashir took the matter upon himself by expelling Kenyan ambassador from Khartoum and recalling back Sudanese ambassador from Nairobi. Khartoum’s severance of diplomatic relation with Nairobi comes in wake of East African Community (EAC) denying Sudanese application of trying to join the community—the indication that Sudan is being immensely plunged into the abyss of isolationism. Sudan needs to do many things for it to join the family of nations, and among those things it could do is getting rid of President al-Bashir once and for all.
Steve Paterno is the author of The Rev. Fr. Saturnino Lohure, A Romain Catholic Priest Turned Rebel. He can be reached at stevepaterno@yahoo.com
December 1, 2011 — Since the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant against President Omar al-Bashir in March of 2009, just overnight, the dictator became prisoner within the confines of his own country, as he risks apprehension in any case he travels abroad. In search for solution, the regime then mounted fierce diplomatic campaign to circumvent the ICC authority and have charges leveled against President al-Bashir be dropped. These alleged charges are horrendous. They are ten counts in total, ranging from crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide; for the ethnic cleansing that President al-Bashir is waging in Sudan’s Darfur region.
Unfortunately, the regime’s diplomatic bid didn’t render any considerable support that it desperately needed. Instead, the regime is only able to win the sympathy of a handful of insignificant and reluctant allies, who are toothless to foil ICC legal proceedings, which is taking the life of its own, with devastating toll against President al-Bashir’s reign.
Cornered, President al-Bashir had no choice but ended up considering to limit his visitations to those only few countries he thinks are sympathetic to him. Even then, those limited visitations come with surmountable risks. For example, President al-Bashir was invited during the inauguration of South African President Jacob Zuma in May of 2009, and the same officials who invited him, warned that if he ever showed, they will be forced to lock him up. This is also a similar case in Uganda, where President al-Bashir was invited on several occasions, but the potential for his arrest is left open. In all these incidents, President al-Bashir dropped the invitations all together, for fearing the obvious.
In some of President al-Bashir’s daring trips, he miraculously survived near arrest scares. The regime in Khartoum is always afraid of the danger that President al-Bashir’s plane would likely face midair flight diversion in some of the hostile airspace, which will eventually lead into his detention. He actually came too close to facing this scenario in June of this year when he was flying from Iran en route to China, only to encounter refusal for passage through the airspace of countries ready to arrest him. When President al-Bashir’s flight was diverted back into Tehran, his Chinese sympathizers were uncomfortably at lost and those in Khartoum confirmed their worst fear.
Those in Khartoum also happened to discover midair flight diversion was not the only danger President al-Bashir faces when he decides to travel abroad. For example, in one of President al-Bashir’s trips to Ethiopia, he was stuck inside his plane at Mekele Airport, because the airport crew could not bring the boarding ladder on time. The anxieties of President al-Bashir and those of his entourage were further exacerbated when they caught a sight of a plane bearing USA flag taxing near them. Their expressed mood was of “severe panic” that it was the end. Even though this was a false alarm, the tyrant never takes chances in these situations, knowing too well his ultimate fate.
President al-Bashirs other defiant trips are just outright embarrassing, such as in 2009, in Qatar where the Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva declined to sit next to President al-Bashir at a banquet organized for Arab and South American states summit and Argentinian President refused to take a group photo that included President al-Bashir. Who in their right sense could accept the offer to feast next to an infamous international fugitive with bloods of innocent lives on his hands or even be in the same photo with such a character.
The isolationism of President al-Bashir is further amplified by the wave of Arab Spring, which witnessed some of his fellow Arab-Islamic military dictators dramatically losing power, such is in the case of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak who is currently rotting in prison or the Libyan Colonel Maumar Gaddafi who was chased down the streets of his own hometown of Sirte and then smothered to death.
Kenya is one of the latest countries that deprived President al-Bashir of his limited freedom of travel. In 2010, President al-Bashir made a controversial trip to Kenya in order to attend a signing ceremony of Kenyan constitution. The visit put Kenyan government in awkward position as it received condemnations from all over the world. As a result, the Kenyan local chapter of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) petitioned the court to rule on the arrest warrant against President al-Bashir. Just this week, the Kenyan high court issued a landmark ruling, ordering the minister of internal security to immediately execute the arrest of President al-Bashir should he set foot in Kenya again. This ruling is significant not just because it bars President al-Bashir from traveling to Kenya, but it also sets legal precedent for justice loving people throughout Africa to compel their governments to execute the arrest warrant of international fugitives like President al-Bashir through the court system.
Although the regime in Khartoum is trying to downplay the significance of the Kenyan high court ruling, President al-Bashir took the matter upon himself by expelling Kenyan ambassador from Khartoum and recalling back Sudanese ambassador from Nairobi. Khartoum’s severance of diplomatic relation with Nairobi comes in wake of East African Community (EAC) denying Sudanese application of trying to join the community—the indication that Sudan is being immensely plunged into the abyss of isolationism. Sudan needs to do many things for it to join the family of nations, and among those things it could do is getting rid of President al-Bashir once and for all.
Steve Paterno is the author of The Rev. Fr. Saturnino Lohure, A Romain Catholic Priest Turned Rebel. He can be reached at stevepaterno@yahoo.com
Tuesday, November 29, 2011
Sudan's Omar al-Bashir: Kenya issues arrest warrant
A Kenyan court has issued an arrest warrant for Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir over alleged war crimes in Darfur.
The ruling came after Kenya allowed Mr Bashir to visit in August in defiance of an International Criminal Court (ICC) warrant for his arrest.
The judge said he should be arrested if he "ever set foot in Kenya" again, the AFP news agency reports.
Kenya is a signatory to the treaty which established the ICC in 2002.
But like most African countries, it has refused to enforce the ICC warrant. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
The ruling came after Kenya allowed Mr Bashir to visit in August in defiance of an International Criminal Court (ICC) warrant for his arrest.
The judge said he should be arrested if he "ever set foot in Kenya" again, the AFP news agency reports.
Kenya is a signatory to the treaty which established the ICC in 2002.
But like most African countries, it has refused to enforce the ICC warrant. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Friday, November 25, 2011
Darfur: The Genocide the World Got Tired Of
Amidst precarious humanitarian conditions, human security is increasingly threatened in Darfur—by Khartoum’s military as well as by variously re-cycled militia forces, and in particular by the increasingly savage Abu Tira (Central Reserve Police). The UN/African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) is a conspicuous failure, and yet continues to represent the entirety of international efforts in confronting the “responsibility to protect” acutely endangered civilians
Eric Reeves
November 24, 2011
News coverage of the Darfur region of western Sudan, including eastern Chad, has all but vanished. Were it not for the efforts of the Sudan Tribune and Radio Dabanga, two extraordinary journalistic enterprises by Sudanese in the diaspora, Darfur would be largely reduced to the feeble visibility provided by media releases from UNAMID (the UN/African Union peacekeeping force in the region). These stultifying, self-serving dispatches convey nothing of the continuing violence and destruction that afflict Darfuris, both in the camps and rural areas, as well as in towns. The victims continue to be overwhelmingly from the African tribal groups of the region, who make up the vast majority of the more than 2 million people who remain uprooted, most from the most intense phase of Khartoum’s genocidal counter-insurgency effort (April 2003 into early 2005). During the past eight and a half years, some 500,000 people have died from violence or the consequences of violent displacement.
Insecurity and deprivation also define the lives of the Darfuri refugees in eastern Chad, most of whom fled early in the conflict. There, as Human Rights authoritatively established with reports in 2006 and 2007, Khartoum pursued ethnically African Darfuris with Antonov bombers, and turned loose their savage Janjaweed militias (see especially “‘They Came Here to Kill Us’: Militia Attacks and Ethnic Targeting of Civilians in Eastern Chad,” January 2007 and “Darfur Bleeds: Recent Cross-Border Violence in Chad,” February 2006). And yet eastern Chad is, if possible, even less visible than Darfur. But the crisis there continues to be enormous: the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates this year that there are some 285,000 refugees who remain near the Chad/Darfur border; these people are no closer to safe returns in substantial numbers than they were five years ago.
The figure for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Darfur has been badly politicized, particularly by the UN’s Georg Charpentier, who lowered the UN estimate for IDPs from 2.7 million to 1.9 million in July 2010—justifying this only on the basis of a footnote reference to a report by the International Organization for Migration that did not exist, and still is not complete (the undertaking is in partnership with the UN World Food Program as part of an overdue re-registration effort in the camps). This was utterly disingenuous on Charpentier’s part, as is the consistent UN suggestion that the population of IDPs is equivalent to the populations in the camps. This is not so. It should be noted first that camp are populations highly fluid, especially during agriculturally important times of the year, and especially if lands abandoned are in walking distance. But the status of many other displaced persons is even more ambiguous, and a great many people have taken shelter with host families or villages, often far from their homes. This is an enormous population that has never shown up in the census calculations of IDP numbers based solely on camp registrations (this is true of the Darfuri refugee population in eastern Chad as well). To omit the figure for displaced persons not in the camps—without even acknowledging that this population exists, and that it is very substantial—is but another form of disingenuousness on the part of Charpentier and the UN/AU joint special representative for Darfur, Ibrahim Gambari of Nigeria.
Security for these displaced persons remains appallingly inadequate. Despite Gambari’s fatuously self-serving public claims, UNAMID is almost completely dysfunctional in protecting civilians. Certainly Darfuris are uniformly scathing in their assessment of UNAMID’s performance and protection abilities. It is true that large-scale armed conflict between Khartoum (along with its Arab militia allies) and the rebel groups has declined in recent months; but we have seen such declines a number of times over the past eight years, and invariably fighting has resumed (moreover, two ominous recent reports indicate that dry season fighting may be about to begin). Khartoum has for the present re-deployed a great many of its military air assets to el-Obeid (North Kordofan), to South Kordofan, and to Blue Nile—including a newly expanded air field near recently captured Kurmuk (southern Blue Nile). This expansion includes helipads for combat helicopters, both gunships and troop-ferrying aircraft. From these locations, Khartoum’s military aircraft are engaged in what all accounts suggest is daily bombardment and aerial attacks on civilians, including refugees from South Kordofan who have made it to South Sudan.
Reduced fighting in Darfur, almost certainly temporary, thus gives the world an excuse to pretend that UNAMID is somehow an adequate international response to the violence and continued displacement; in fact, it is yet another in a long line of obscene failures to make the “responsibility to protect” something more than a feel-good exhortation. It is worth noting that since UNAMID officially took up its mandate on January 1, 2008, almost 1 million Darfuris have been newly displaced, according to figures from the UN High Commission for Refugees. This vast number in itself makes nonsense of Charpentier’s claim that the number of IDPs may be reduced by over 800,000, a claim that Khartoum delights in.
The realities of human security in Darfur are simply not represented in any meaningful fashion by a thoroughly intimidated UN; this in turn offers special representative Gambari the opportunity to make any number of absurd claims about the success of the mission he now oversees, and which he clearly hopes to use as a stepping-stone in his career (much as his disastrous performance in Burma won him appointment by Ban Ki-moon to his present position). But the causes for concern are many, and the daily violence experienced by Darfuris, even without major fighting or regular aerial bombardment, needs some meaningful accounting. There should be, for example, major concerns about the mercenaries who have returned to Darfur from Libya, with their substantial weaponry. These men could easily become an additional source of insecurity for civilians, but UNAMID has said nothing that suggests it even perceives a threat.
Further, the epidemic of rape that has stalked Darfur for more than eight years continues; Radio Dabanga provides continuing accounts on this immensely destructive phenomenon, which is rippling cruelly through families and generations. (See below for a compendium of recent reports on the continuing outrage of widespread rape, including the rape of girls, with no accountability.) Camps continue to be attacked, rural farms seized, civilians casually murdered, and arson is deployed more frequently as a means of destroying key institutions, including schools.
The Central Reserve Police, or Abu Tira, are now Khartoum’s primary instrument of destruction and intimidation, and they operate throughout Darfur with total impunity, sustaining a climate of fear and violence that at once endangers humanitarian operations and presents intolerable threats to civilians. Julie Flint offers a perspicuous overview of this force
“A gendarmerie officially under the Interior Ministry, although more likely at the behest of the [former] National Intelligence and Security Service of Salah Gosh, the Central Reserve Police has become increasingly active in the conflict in Darfur (and neighbouring Kordofan). Some analysts believe this is a result of the reduced effectiveness of the Popular Defence Forces, a paramilitary group that has taken on a political dimension that makes it more useful as a political rallying tool than a fighting force; others link it to restrictions imposed on Sudan Armed Forces by the Darfur Peace Agreement. In 2004, the Central Reserve Police opened a training centre in Musa Hilal’s Misteriha barracks in North Darfur.” (“Beyond ‘Janjaweed’: Understanding the Militias of Darfur,” Small Arms Survey [Geneva], June 2009)
It was Musa Hila, the most notorious of the Janjaweed leaders, who announced in 2004 the ambition that still animates Khartoum’s efforts in Darfur: “change the demography of Darfur and empty it of African tribes.”
None of this is suggested anywhere in UNAMID’s representation of conditions in Darfur.
“Peace for our time”? Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Eric Reeves
November 24, 2011
News coverage of the Darfur region of western Sudan, including eastern Chad, has all but vanished. Were it not for the efforts of the Sudan Tribune and Radio Dabanga, two extraordinary journalistic enterprises by Sudanese in the diaspora, Darfur would be largely reduced to the feeble visibility provided by media releases from UNAMID (the UN/African Union peacekeeping force in the region). These stultifying, self-serving dispatches convey nothing of the continuing violence and destruction that afflict Darfuris, both in the camps and rural areas, as well as in towns. The victims continue to be overwhelmingly from the African tribal groups of the region, who make up the vast majority of the more than 2 million people who remain uprooted, most from the most intense phase of Khartoum’s genocidal counter-insurgency effort (April 2003 into early 2005). During the past eight and a half years, some 500,000 people have died from violence or the consequences of violent displacement.
Insecurity and deprivation also define the lives of the Darfuri refugees in eastern Chad, most of whom fled early in the conflict. There, as Human Rights authoritatively established with reports in 2006 and 2007, Khartoum pursued ethnically African Darfuris with Antonov bombers, and turned loose their savage Janjaweed militias (see especially “‘They Came Here to Kill Us’: Militia Attacks and Ethnic Targeting of Civilians in Eastern Chad,” January 2007 and “Darfur Bleeds: Recent Cross-Border Violence in Chad,” February 2006). And yet eastern Chad is, if possible, even less visible than Darfur. But the crisis there continues to be enormous: the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates this year that there are some 285,000 refugees who remain near the Chad/Darfur border; these people are no closer to safe returns in substantial numbers than they were five years ago.
The figure for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Darfur has been badly politicized, particularly by the UN’s Georg Charpentier, who lowered the UN estimate for IDPs from 2.7 million to 1.9 million in July 2010—justifying this only on the basis of a footnote reference to a report by the International Organization for Migration that did not exist, and still is not complete (the undertaking is in partnership with the UN World Food Program as part of an overdue re-registration effort in the camps). This was utterly disingenuous on Charpentier’s part, as is the consistent UN suggestion that the population of IDPs is equivalent to the populations in the camps. This is not so. It should be noted first that camp are populations highly fluid, especially during agriculturally important times of the year, and especially if lands abandoned are in walking distance. But the status of many other displaced persons is even more ambiguous, and a great many people have taken shelter with host families or villages, often far from their homes. This is an enormous population that has never shown up in the census calculations of IDP numbers based solely on camp registrations (this is true of the Darfuri refugee population in eastern Chad as well). To omit the figure for displaced persons not in the camps—without even acknowledging that this population exists, and that it is very substantial—is but another form of disingenuousness on the part of Charpentier and the UN/AU joint special representative for Darfur, Ibrahim Gambari of Nigeria.
Security for these displaced persons remains appallingly inadequate. Despite Gambari’s fatuously self-serving public claims, UNAMID is almost completely dysfunctional in protecting civilians. Certainly Darfuris are uniformly scathing in their assessment of UNAMID’s performance and protection abilities. It is true that large-scale armed conflict between Khartoum (along with its Arab militia allies) and the rebel groups has declined in recent months; but we have seen such declines a number of times over the past eight years, and invariably fighting has resumed (moreover, two ominous recent reports indicate that dry season fighting may be about to begin). Khartoum has for the present re-deployed a great many of its military air assets to el-Obeid (North Kordofan), to South Kordofan, and to Blue Nile—including a newly expanded air field near recently captured Kurmuk (southern Blue Nile). This expansion includes helipads for combat helicopters, both gunships and troop-ferrying aircraft. From these locations, Khartoum’s military aircraft are engaged in what all accounts suggest is daily bombardment and aerial attacks on civilians, including refugees from South Kordofan who have made it to South Sudan.
Reduced fighting in Darfur, almost certainly temporary, thus gives the world an excuse to pretend that UNAMID is somehow an adequate international response to the violence and continued displacement; in fact, it is yet another in a long line of obscene failures to make the “responsibility to protect” something more than a feel-good exhortation. It is worth noting that since UNAMID officially took up its mandate on January 1, 2008, almost 1 million Darfuris have been newly displaced, according to figures from the UN High Commission for Refugees. This vast number in itself makes nonsense of Charpentier’s claim that the number of IDPs may be reduced by over 800,000, a claim that Khartoum delights in.
The realities of human security in Darfur are simply not represented in any meaningful fashion by a thoroughly intimidated UN; this in turn offers special representative Gambari the opportunity to make any number of absurd claims about the success of the mission he now oversees, and which he clearly hopes to use as a stepping-stone in his career (much as his disastrous performance in Burma won him appointment by Ban Ki-moon to his present position). But the causes for concern are many, and the daily violence experienced by Darfuris, even without major fighting or regular aerial bombardment, needs some meaningful accounting. There should be, for example, major concerns about the mercenaries who have returned to Darfur from Libya, with their substantial weaponry. These men could easily become an additional source of insecurity for civilians, but UNAMID has said nothing that suggests it even perceives a threat.
Further, the epidemic of rape that has stalked Darfur for more than eight years continues; Radio Dabanga provides continuing accounts on this immensely destructive phenomenon, which is rippling cruelly through families and generations. (See below for a compendium of recent reports on the continuing outrage of widespread rape, including the rape of girls, with no accountability.) Camps continue to be attacked, rural farms seized, civilians casually murdered, and arson is deployed more frequently as a means of destroying key institutions, including schools.
The Central Reserve Police, or Abu Tira, are now Khartoum’s primary instrument of destruction and intimidation, and they operate throughout Darfur with total impunity, sustaining a climate of fear and violence that at once endangers humanitarian operations and presents intolerable threats to civilians. Julie Flint offers a perspicuous overview of this force
“A gendarmerie officially under the Interior Ministry, although more likely at the behest of the [former] National Intelligence and Security Service of Salah Gosh, the Central Reserve Police has become increasingly active in the conflict in Darfur (and neighbouring Kordofan). Some analysts believe this is a result of the reduced effectiveness of the Popular Defence Forces, a paramilitary group that has taken on a political dimension that makes it more useful as a political rallying tool than a fighting force; others link it to restrictions imposed on Sudan Armed Forces by the Darfur Peace Agreement. In 2004, the Central Reserve Police opened a training centre in Musa Hilal’s Misteriha barracks in North Darfur.” (“Beyond ‘Janjaweed’: Understanding the Militias of Darfur,” Small Arms Survey [Geneva], June 2009)
It was Musa Hila, the most notorious of the Janjaweed leaders, who announced in 2004 the ambition that still animates Khartoum’s efforts in Darfur: “change the demography of Darfur and empty it of African tribes.”
None of this is suggested anywhere in UNAMID’s representation of conditions in Darfur.
“Peace for our time”? Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Thursday, November 10, 2011
The president of Burkina Faso Blaise Compaore and his foreign minister Dijibril Bassole offered rare defense by African politicians of the International Criminal Court (ICC) work in the continent.
November 9, 2011 (WASHINGTON) – The president of Burkina Faso Blaise Compaore and his foreign minister Dijibril Bassole offered rare defense by African politicians of the International Criminal Court (ICC) work in the continent.
The two officials made the remarks at The Hague where they attended a seminar on international justice, peace and crisis management held Wednesday at the Peace Palace. The event was organized by the Swedish embassy to pay tribute to late UN secretary general Dag Hammarskjold who was killed fifty years ago in a plane crash.
They emphasized the need to change the negative perceptions by Africans toward the ICC.
"There is a misunderstanding, a misapprehension when it comes to the cases launched by the ICC on the continent," Compaore said at the seminar.
"It is our duty to sensitise Africans... We must continue to convince them that such a court is essential," he added.
The Hague based court came under fierce attack from the African Union (AU) in the aftermath of the arrest warrant issued for Sudanese president Omer Hassan al-Bashir in 2009 charging him with war crimes allegedly committed in Darfur.
The continental body issued resolutions instructing members including those who ratified the Rome Statute of the court to ignore their obligations and not apprehend Bashir should he visit. So far Kenya, Chad, Djibouti and Malawi have allowed that to happen.
A similar directive was made with respect to late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi who was charged by the court last June.
AU officials particularly its commissioner Jean Ping have also slammed the fact that all cases handled by the court so far are in Africa and accused the ICC of double standards.
Uganda, Central African Republic (CAR), Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Ivory Coast have asked the ICC to launch investigations into crimes committed on their territories.
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 2005 and 2011 referred the situation in Darfur and Libya respectively to the world court under a chapter VII binding resolution.
It was only the case of Kenya where the ICC prosecutor used his authority to launch investigation in a member state after top officials in the East African nation expressed their desire that he makes this move.
Compaore and Bassole said it was not surprising that ICC cases are all in Africa.
"When there are thousands of victims, it is impossible to handle for our national jurisdictions," Compaore argued.
"We all know the majority of crises take place in Africa” Bassole said.
"Many African countries believe that the ICC was a tool from the Western world against African countries," he added. "There’s a perception to be changed."
The ICC is the world’s only independent, permanent tribunal with the jurisdiction to try genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Bassole also used the opportunity to deny that his country ever offered refuge to Gaddafi despite the arrest warrant.
"No, we did not offer asylum to Gaddafi," he said. "And if he had asked asylum in Burkina Faso, we would have proceeded exactly as the president indicated, knowing that we are a member of the ICC and that we have recognized the national transition council at that time."
"We are part of the ICC with all resulting obligations," Bassole added. "If a perpetrator of crimes is indicted as part of ICC, we can’t protect this person. We fully obey to the obligations derived from our membership of the ICC”.
Bassole who was the chief joint mediator for Darfur, acknowledged in his remarks today the impact of Bashir’s warrant on his work.
"In my position of Joint Chief Mediator, I had to observe neutrality, in the interest of the process. Any statement from me, in favor of the proceedings would have been rejected strongly by the Government. In the other hand, the armed movements would have condemned any attitude against the proceedings," he said.
"The two institutions [AU and UN] that have mandated me to find a political settlement to the Darfur conflict, namely the AU and the UN, had different reactions and approaches toward the arrest warrant against President Bashir”.
"I don’t want to give any details here, but it is obvious that it was very difficult to work under two institutions that had different attitude vis-Ã -vis the arrest warrant".
Bassole also appeared to suggest incentives to Bashir to finalize the Darfur peace process and implement the recently signed agreement.
"If there is a need to encourage President Bashir, I think that this way deserve to be explore," he said without elaborating.
The UNSC has refused to take on request by the AU to consider a 12-month deferral request for Bashir’s warrant.
The Sudanese government lobbied several UNSC members this year to table the motion but so far no formal consultations have taken place in New York
The two officials made the remarks at The Hague where they attended a seminar on international justice, peace and crisis management held Wednesday at the Peace Palace. The event was organized by the Swedish embassy to pay tribute to late UN secretary general Dag Hammarskjold who was killed fifty years ago in a plane crash.
They emphasized the need to change the negative perceptions by Africans toward the ICC.
"There is a misunderstanding, a misapprehension when it comes to the cases launched by the ICC on the continent," Compaore said at the seminar.
"It is our duty to sensitise Africans... We must continue to convince them that such a court is essential," he added.
The Hague based court came under fierce attack from the African Union (AU) in the aftermath of the arrest warrant issued for Sudanese president Omer Hassan al-Bashir in 2009 charging him with war crimes allegedly committed in Darfur.
The continental body issued resolutions instructing members including those who ratified the Rome Statute of the court to ignore their obligations and not apprehend Bashir should he visit. So far Kenya, Chad, Djibouti and Malawi have allowed that to happen.
A similar directive was made with respect to late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi who was charged by the court last June.
AU officials particularly its commissioner Jean Ping have also slammed the fact that all cases handled by the court so far are in Africa and accused the ICC of double standards.
Uganda, Central African Republic (CAR), Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Ivory Coast have asked the ICC to launch investigations into crimes committed on their territories.
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 2005 and 2011 referred the situation in Darfur and Libya respectively to the world court under a chapter VII binding resolution.
It was only the case of Kenya where the ICC prosecutor used his authority to launch investigation in a member state after top officials in the East African nation expressed their desire that he makes this move.
Compaore and Bassole said it was not surprising that ICC cases are all in Africa.
"When there are thousands of victims, it is impossible to handle for our national jurisdictions," Compaore argued.
"We all know the majority of crises take place in Africa” Bassole said.
"Many African countries believe that the ICC was a tool from the Western world against African countries," he added. "There’s a perception to be changed."
The ICC is the world’s only independent, permanent tribunal with the jurisdiction to try genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Bassole also used the opportunity to deny that his country ever offered refuge to Gaddafi despite the arrest warrant.
"No, we did not offer asylum to Gaddafi," he said. "And if he had asked asylum in Burkina Faso, we would have proceeded exactly as the president indicated, knowing that we are a member of the ICC and that we have recognized the national transition council at that time."
"We are part of the ICC with all resulting obligations," Bassole added. "If a perpetrator of crimes is indicted as part of ICC, we can’t protect this person. We fully obey to the obligations derived from our membership of the ICC”.
Bassole who was the chief joint mediator for Darfur, acknowledged in his remarks today the impact of Bashir’s warrant on his work.
"In my position of Joint Chief Mediator, I had to observe neutrality, in the interest of the process. Any statement from me, in favor of the proceedings would have been rejected strongly by the Government. In the other hand, the armed movements would have condemned any attitude against the proceedings," he said.
"The two institutions [AU and UN] that have mandated me to find a political settlement to the Darfur conflict, namely the AU and the UN, had different reactions and approaches toward the arrest warrant against President Bashir”.
"I don’t want to give any details here, but it is obvious that it was very difficult to work under two institutions that had different attitude vis-Ã -vis the arrest warrant".
Bassole also appeared to suggest incentives to Bashir to finalize the Darfur peace process and implement the recently signed agreement.
"If there is a need to encourage President Bashir, I think that this way deserve to be explore," he said without elaborating.
The UNSC has refused to take on request by the AU to consider a 12-month deferral request for Bashir’s warrant.
The Sudanese government lobbied several UNSC members this year to table the motion but so far no formal consultations have taken place in New York
Wednesday, November 02, 2011
Darfur: Darfur civil Society awarded Mr Pronk a Certificate of Appreciation
October 29, 2011 (The Hague, The Netherlands) - During the events of Africa Day held at The Hague in The Netherlands on October 29th 2011, Darfur Civil Society Organizations awarded Mr Jan Pronk with a Certificate of Appreciation for his outstanding work in coordinating humanitarian assistance to the people of Darfur and facilitating a peace agreement for Darfur from 2004 till 2006.
Mr Pronk was a special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations in Sudan between 2004 and 2006. He was declared persona non grata by the Government of Sudan because he had a meeting with rebel commanders in October 2006 wherein he got them to consent to a policy of not attacking government targets. Before conveying this message to Khartoum, government forces bombed the areas where he met the rebel leaders. He said this as betrayal and indifference to a peace process. The Sudanese government was not amused and shortly declared him as persona non grata.
Mr Pronk was a special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations in Sudan between 2004 and 2006. He was declared persona non grata by the Government of Sudan because he had a meeting with rebel commanders in October 2006 wherein he got them to consent to a policy of not attacking government targets. Before conveying this message to Khartoum, government forces bombed the areas where he met the rebel leaders. He said this as betrayal and indifference to a peace process. The Sudanese government was not amused and shortly declared him as persona non grata.
Tuesday, October 04, 2011
Obama administration must act now to stop Darfur’s genocidal mastermind, Omar al-Bashir
By Tom Andrews,
The man wanted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes by the International Criminal Court is getting away with murder. Again. And, again, we are failing to do anything about it.
Perhaps in today’s political climate – an economy in trouble, skyrocketing unemployment, criticism of U.S. foreign policy decisions in Iraq and Afghanistan and a heated election on the horizon – it’s unrealistic to expect the United States to act on a conflict half way around the world that is receiving little public attention. By failing to act, however, the Obama administration is making it easier for a murderous head of state to continue killing innocent men, women and children with impunity.
Sudan’s president and architect of the Darfur genocide, Omar al-Bashir, began aggressive attacks on civilians in Sudan’s border regions this summer while Secretary of State Hilary Clinton was applauding Sudan for allowing the south to secede and create the Republic of South Sudan.
Sudanese forces have driven half a million people from their homes throughout Sudan this year. United Nations reports indicate the likelihood of ethnic cleansing in Abyei, and war crimes and crimes against humanity in South Kordofan. We suspect similar atrocities are occurring in Blue Nile. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
The man wanted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes by the International Criminal Court is getting away with murder. Again. And, again, we are failing to do anything about it.
Perhaps in today’s political climate – an economy in trouble, skyrocketing unemployment, criticism of U.S. foreign policy decisions in Iraq and Afghanistan and a heated election on the horizon – it’s unrealistic to expect the United States to act on a conflict half way around the world that is receiving little public attention. By failing to act, however, the Obama administration is making it easier for a murderous head of state to continue killing innocent men, women and children with impunity.
Sudan’s president and architect of the Darfur genocide, Omar al-Bashir, began aggressive attacks on civilians in Sudan’s border regions this summer while Secretary of State Hilary Clinton was applauding Sudan for allowing the south to secede and create the Republic of South Sudan.
Sudanese forces have driven half a million people from their homes throughout Sudan this year. United Nations reports indicate the likelihood of ethnic cleansing in Abyei, and war crimes and crimes against humanity in South Kordofan. We suspect similar atrocities are occurring in Blue Nile. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Wednesday, September 28, 2011
Sudanese Genocide Attention Fatigue?
By Austin Bay
Remember Darfur, site of the genocide in Western Sudan? Two years ago, in August 2009, the then-United Nations peacekeeping force commander claimed the war in Darfur had "effectively ended." He argued that major attacks had declined to the point that he thought the war would soon be over.
This month, September 2011, the U.N. issued a press statement that said attacks had declined 70 percent since late 2008.
Which, given the continued bloodletting, is an awkward way of saying that the war really isn't over. And it isn't. The Sudanese government -- meaning the Islamist Sudanese government seated in Khartoum, for there is now a separate South Sudan -- still occasionally employs heavily armed militias as proxy forces to attack, kill and disperse Darfuri civilians. Sudan's air force still launches air raids on rebel forces in Darfur and indiscriminately drop bombs in holdout rebel villages.
There are two reasons attacks have declined. The first is that the northern Sudanese government has driven several hundred thousand pro-rebel Darfuris from their land. They are now either dead or in refugee camps.
The second reason: The northern government is now engaged in several other wars against Sudanese civilians or former Sudanese civilians. In May, about six weeks before South Sudan became independent, Sudan attacked and occupied the Abyei area, a disputed border zone between the two nations. Over 100,000 people fled south to escape the northern attack. After U.N. sponsored negotiations, both sides agreed to let Ethiopia deploy a peacekeeping force in Abyei. Ethiopia, which borders both Sudans, does not want to see the north-south confrontation expand into a wider regional war. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Remember Darfur, site of the genocide in Western Sudan? Two years ago, in August 2009, the then-United Nations peacekeeping force commander claimed the war in Darfur had "effectively ended." He argued that major attacks had declined to the point that he thought the war would soon be over.
This month, September 2011, the U.N. issued a press statement that said attacks had declined 70 percent since late 2008.
Which, given the continued bloodletting, is an awkward way of saying that the war really isn't over. And it isn't. The Sudanese government -- meaning the Islamist Sudanese government seated in Khartoum, for there is now a separate South Sudan -- still occasionally employs heavily armed militias as proxy forces to attack, kill and disperse Darfuri civilians. Sudan's air force still launches air raids on rebel forces in Darfur and indiscriminately drop bombs in holdout rebel villages.
There are two reasons attacks have declined. The first is that the northern Sudanese government has driven several hundred thousand pro-rebel Darfuris from their land. They are now either dead or in refugee camps.
The second reason: The northern government is now engaged in several other wars against Sudanese civilians or former Sudanese civilians. In May, about six weeks before South Sudan became independent, Sudan attacked and occupied the Abyei area, a disputed border zone between the two nations. Over 100,000 people fled south to escape the northern attack. After U.N. sponsored negotiations, both sides agreed to let Ethiopia deploy a peacekeeping force in Abyei. Ethiopia, which borders both Sudans, does not want to see the north-south confrontation expand into a wider regional war. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Monday, September 26, 2011
Sudan army attacks Darfur villages, 7 killed
KHARTOUM — The Sudanese army attacked two villages in North Darfur, killing seven of their inhabitants, a spokesman for one of the region's main rebel factions said on Friday.
"Last night, government troops attacked two villages in North Darfur, in the area of Seraf Umra. Seven residents were killed and a number of people fled the villages," Ibrahim al-Hilu, a spokesman for the branch of the Sudan Liberation Army led by Abdelwahid Nur, told AFP.
He said the fighting was ongoing.
The Sudanese army spokesman was not immediately available for comment, and the UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur (UNAMID) had no information on the violence.
UNAMID chief Ibrahim Gambari said last week that fighting in Darfur had dropped sharply between January and July and that the number of people living in camps for the displaced appeared to have dropped to 1.7 million, down by 1 million from the worst point in the conflict.
He said the peacekeeping force was still facing problems gaining access to some parts of Sudan's war-torn western region due to restrictions imposed by the Khartoum government and armed groups. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>
"Last night, government troops attacked two villages in North Darfur, in the area of Seraf Umra. Seven residents were killed and a number of people fled the villages," Ibrahim al-Hilu, a spokesman for the branch of the Sudan Liberation Army led by Abdelwahid Nur, told AFP.
He said the fighting was ongoing.
The Sudanese army spokesman was not immediately available for comment, and the UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur (UNAMID) had no information on the violence.
UNAMID chief Ibrahim Gambari said last week that fighting in Darfur had dropped sharply between January and July and that the number of people living in camps for the displaced appeared to have dropped to 1.7 million, down by 1 million from the worst point in the conflict.
He said the peacekeeping force was still facing problems gaining access to some parts of Sudan's war-torn western region due to restrictions imposed by the Khartoum government and armed groups. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>
Sunday, September 25, 2011
Friday, September 23, 2011
Darfur: Government-Backed Forces Commit Atrocities
Mornei/Garsila — A refugee from West Darfur's Mornei camp sustained serious injuries in the head on Wednesday after suffering an attack from armed men in military uniforms.
The injured was rushed to the hospital for treatment, one of her relatives told Radio Dabanga. The victim was stopped by the gunmen, suspected to be government-backed militia, while she was on her way back to the camp from a farm.
The armed men attempted to rape the refugee and when she resisted, they beat her fiercely with rifle butts and bayonets, which led to severe head injuries and wounds on her chest and neck.
She had to undergo an emergency surgery because of the serious nature of her injuries, the relative said.
On the other hand, refugees from the camps in Garsila, West Darfur, complained on Wednesday of frequent attacks by drunk government troops.
The incidences were reported to have taken place in Jebalin, Hardeba and Jeddah camps in Garsila. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
The injured was rushed to the hospital for treatment, one of her relatives told Radio Dabanga. The victim was stopped by the gunmen, suspected to be government-backed militia, while she was on her way back to the camp from a farm.
The armed men attempted to rape the refugee and when she resisted, they beat her fiercely with rifle butts and bayonets, which led to severe head injuries and wounds on her chest and neck.
She had to undergo an emergency surgery because of the serious nature of her injuries, the relative said.
On the other hand, refugees from the camps in Garsila, West Darfur, complained on Wednesday of frequent attacks by drunk government troops.
The incidences were reported to have taken place in Jebalin, Hardeba and Jeddah camps in Garsila. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Monday, September 05, 2011
Sudan: Governent Negotiating Purchase of Missiles From North Korea
Washington — The Sudanese government has been secretly conducting negotiations with North Korea for the purchase of medium-range ballistic missiles, short-range missiles, and anti-tank missiles, according to a leaked US diplomatic note.
The United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said in the cable marked secret that Washington has information that in 2008, Sudan was negotiating a weapons deal.
"We want to raise this information with Sudanese officials, urge them not to engage in missile-related cooperation with North Korea, and emphasize that such a deal would be a clear violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1718" the cable reads.
The UN sanctions imposed in 2006 include a ban on trade in nuclear and missile technology with North Korea, as well as an arms embargo. They also banned trade with a number of North Korean firms and called for asset freezes and travel bans on some North Korean individuals.
"In addition, we want to note that the ballistic missiles North Korea sells, such as Scud and No Dong systems, are considered to be Category I missiles by the multilateral Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) because of their range and payload capabilities, and because they are inherently capable of delivering weapons of mass destruction (WMD). As such, Sudan should consider that its acquisition of WMD-capable ballistic missiles would be destabilizing to the region and negatively affect the international community's perception of Sudan's commitment to maintaining peace with the Southern Sudan".
"Sudan should consider the effect of the acquisition of such ballistic missiles on neighboring countries. Sudan's purchase of ballistic missiles would be destabilizing to the region and a particular concern to neighbors within range of the missile. These countries would obviously question whether they were the intended targets of these weapons and whether Sudan intended to use these missiles to attack them". Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Sunday, September 04, 2011
Darfur: Janjaweed leader slams VP Taha Nafie, blames NCP for Darfur crimes
September 3, 2011 (WASHINGTON) – A suspected leader of the notorious Janjaweed militias in Darfur was apologetic over the crimes committed in Sudan’s Western region but blamed it on the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and a core group of Islamists within it, a leaked U.S. diplomatic cable discloses.
The document says that on September 23, 2009 the U.S. Charge d’affaires (CDA) Alberto Fernandez attended a Ramadan Iftar held by Darfuri-American activist and prominent Arab tribal leader Walid Madibo who is also a USAID implementing partner.
In attendance also was Musa Hilal who is described by several rights groups and eyewitnesses as one who led terror campaign against the African tribes in the war ravaged region.
The UN Security Council (UNSC) imposed travel and financial sanctions on Hilal and three other individuals in April 2006. The US president George Bush issued an executive order enforcing similar sanctions on them.
At the event Fernandez met one-in-one with Hilal which was described as the third meeting of its kind with a U.S. official.
Hilal told the U.S. diplomat that the Arab tribes were manipulated by a hysterical Khartoum afraid that Sudan People Liberation Movement (SPLM) leader John Garang was seeking to open a new front in Darfur just as negotiations reached their final stage on the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
"I was let out of prison and was angry at the world. My tribe had been attacked. Khartoum armed me and pushed tribal vengeance into something worse" the tribal leader was quoted as saying. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
The document says that on September 23, 2009 the U.S. Charge d’affaires (CDA) Alberto Fernandez attended a Ramadan Iftar held by Darfuri-American activist and prominent Arab tribal leader Walid Madibo who is also a USAID implementing partner.
In attendance also was Musa Hilal who is described by several rights groups and eyewitnesses as one who led terror campaign against the African tribes in the war ravaged region.
The UN Security Council (UNSC) imposed travel and financial sanctions on Hilal and three other individuals in April 2006. The US president George Bush issued an executive order enforcing similar sanctions on them.
At the event Fernandez met one-in-one with Hilal which was described as the third meeting of its kind with a U.S. official.
Hilal told the U.S. diplomat that the Arab tribes were manipulated by a hysterical Khartoum afraid that Sudan People Liberation Movement (SPLM) leader John Garang was seeking to open a new front in Darfur just as negotiations reached their final stage on the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
"I was let out of prison and was angry at the world. My tribe had been attacked. Khartoum armed me and pushed tribal vengeance into something worse" the tribal leader was quoted as saying. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Wednesday, August 31, 2011
Call for release of all imprisoned journalists in wake of president’s announcement
Reporters Without Borders welcomes President Omar Al-Bashir’s announcement during a meeting with journalists on 27 August that he intends to free all the journalists imprisoned in Sudan, but we call for this decision to be extended to all media workers and for it to be carried out without delay.
The announcement was followed yesterday by the release of Gafar Alsabki Ibrahim, a journalist with the Arabic-language daily Al-Sahafa, who had been detained since 3 November 2010. But Abdelrahman Adam, an employee of Radio Dabanga, and six of the station’s other employees, who have been detained since 30 October 2010, were not freed.
“Gafar Alsabki’s release is obviously good news but the authorities must also free Radio Dabanga’s employees and must go further by dropping all the charges against them,” Reporters Without Borders said.
“We should also not forget that the past few weeks have been marked by confiscations of newspapers and a return to prior censorship, measures that violate media freedom. If Sudan wants to be seen as a country that respects freedom of expression, it really must put a stop to such practices.” Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
The announcement was followed yesterday by the release of Gafar Alsabki Ibrahim, a journalist with the Arabic-language daily Al-Sahafa, who had been detained since 3 November 2010. But Abdelrahman Adam, an employee of Radio Dabanga, and six of the station’s other employees, who have been detained since 30 October 2010, were not freed.
“Gafar Alsabki’s release is obviously good news but the authorities must also free Radio Dabanga’s employees and must go further by dropping all the charges against them,” Reporters Without Borders said.
“We should also not forget that the past few weeks have been marked by confiscations of newspapers and a return to prior censorship, measures that violate media freedom. If Sudan wants to be seen as a country that respects freedom of expression, it really must put a stop to such practices.” Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Darfur refugee encounters compassionate counsellors on YU Counterpoint Israel program
Written by Avraham Zuroff
JERUSALEM – You can easily spot Yismael among the other immigrant campers. He carries a notebook and incessantly jots new words that he learns in English and Arabic. Unlike his fellow campers who periodically visit their parents who live in Israel, Yismael hasn’t seen his parents for two years – his parents live in a refugee camp in Chad.
Yismael decided to flee his war-torn homeland of Darfur two years ago. Yismael, who was then 16, trekked from Darfur to Libya to Egypt and finally Israel. He was the youngest of a group of 15 friends who fled Darfur.
In the thick of the night, Yismael and his companions crossed over the Egyptian border, but they were detected. Yismael dropped his knack sack containing his sole personal belongings and started running. During the pursuit, the Egyptian border patrol shot and killed three of his companions.
But Yismael had no time to mourn the death of his friends. He continued with his odyssey trekking more than 2,000 kilometres by foot without food or cash and arrived at the Israeli border, only to be detected by Israeli troops. They subsequently incarcerated him and his friends for two weeks.
The Israeli authorities gave political asylum to Yismael and a year later placed him at the Yemin Orde youth village in Carmel.
“I want to return to Darfur when there will be peace,” Yismael told the Jewish Tribune, speaking in fluent Hebrew. Although he isn’t Jewish, Yismael dons a kippa when participating in daily prayers and enjoys the Torah lectures at the youth village. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
JERUSALEM – You can easily spot Yismael among the other immigrant campers. He carries a notebook and incessantly jots new words that he learns in English and Arabic. Unlike his fellow campers who periodically visit their parents who live in Israel, Yismael hasn’t seen his parents for two years – his parents live in a refugee camp in Chad.
Yismael decided to flee his war-torn homeland of Darfur two years ago. Yismael, who was then 16, trekked from Darfur to Libya to Egypt and finally Israel. He was the youngest of a group of 15 friends who fled Darfur.
In the thick of the night, Yismael and his companions crossed over the Egyptian border, but they were detected. Yismael dropped his knack sack containing his sole personal belongings and started running. During the pursuit, the Egyptian border patrol shot and killed three of his companions.
But Yismael had no time to mourn the death of his friends. He continued with his odyssey trekking more than 2,000 kilometres by foot without food or cash and arrived at the Israeli border, only to be detected by Israeli troops. They subsequently incarcerated him and his friends for two weeks.
The Israeli authorities gave political asylum to Yismael and a year later placed him at the Yemin Orde youth village in Carmel.
“I want to return to Darfur when there will be peace,” Yismael told the Jewish Tribune, speaking in fluent Hebrew. Although he isn’t Jewish, Yismael dons a kippa when participating in daily prayers and enjoys the Torah lectures at the youth village. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Wednesday, August 17, 2011
UN mission to remote area of Darfur finds thousands in need of aid
As many as 400,000 people living in a remote and mountainous part of Sudan’s troubled Darfur region need urgent humanitarian assistance, according to a United Nations assessment of an area that has been largely cut off for two years because of ongoing conflict.
A week-long mission to the west of Jebel Marra, led by the joint UN-African Union peacekeeping force (UNAMID) and including several UN aid agencies, wrapped up on Sunday after team members distributed food, medical supplies and relief items to communities in the area.
Oriano Micaletti, the head of UNAMID’S humanitarian protection strategy division, said assessments conducted by the mission team confirmed that about 400,000 people are displaced in the Jebel Marra area, which straddles the three states in the Darfur region.
“They have received very limited assistance during the last few years and are in urgent need of humanitarian aid,” he said. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>
Tuesday, July 12, 2011
Is Omar Hassan al-Bashir Up to Genocide Again?
By SAMUEL TOTTEN
Omar Hassan al-Bashir, the president of Sudan, is a genocide extraordinaire. If medals were given out for such activity, he’d be going for the gold.
In the early to mid 1990s, under Bashir’s leadership, the Government of Sudan (GoS) perpetrated genocidal actions in the Nuba Mountains, largely by starving people to death and preventing humanitarian aid from reaching the victims. Not a decade later, Bashir and his henchmen committed genocide in Darfur, carrying out a scorched earth policy that resulted in an estimated 400,000 plus deaths, over two million internally displaced persons, and another 275,000 plus refugees. More recently, just over the past two weeks, Bashir’s soldiers and militia carried out at least crimes against humanity, if not genocidal actions, in the Nuba Mountains.
Bashir, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity for the atrocities perpetrated in Darfur, is purportedly furious that the people of South Kordafan refuse to acknowledge the recent election of Ahmed Haroun as governor. Not only do many in the state (which borders the new nation of South Sudan) perceive the election as having been rigged, and thus stolen from the highly popular Abdul Aziz, a former commander of the Sudan Peoples Army, but they are outraged that a man wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on over 40 charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes for atrocities perpetrated in Darfur is still free and allowed to run for office. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Omar Hassan al-Bashir, the president of Sudan, is a genocide extraordinaire. If medals were given out for such activity, he’d be going for the gold.
In the early to mid 1990s, under Bashir’s leadership, the Government of Sudan (GoS) perpetrated genocidal actions in the Nuba Mountains, largely by starving people to death and preventing humanitarian aid from reaching the victims. Not a decade later, Bashir and his henchmen committed genocide in Darfur, carrying out a scorched earth policy that resulted in an estimated 400,000 plus deaths, over two million internally displaced persons, and another 275,000 plus refugees. More recently, just over the past two weeks, Bashir’s soldiers and militia carried out at least crimes against humanity, if not genocidal actions, in the Nuba Mountains.
Bashir, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity for the atrocities perpetrated in Darfur, is purportedly furious that the people of South Kordafan refuse to acknowledge the recent election of Ahmed Haroun as governor. Not only do many in the state (which borders the new nation of South Sudan) perceive the election as having been rigged, and thus stolen from the highly popular Abdul Aziz, a former commander of the Sudan Peoples Army, but they are outraged that a man wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on over 40 charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes for atrocities perpetrated in Darfur is still free and allowed to run for office. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Saturday, June 11, 2011
16 Members of the Zaghawa Tribe Summarily Executed and Buried in Mass Graves in North Darfur
(9 June 2011) The African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS) today expressed grave concerns about the reported summary execution of 16 members of the Zaghawa ethnic group and the subsequent attack on a community leader attempting to investigate the incident.
On 1 June at 8 AM, a militia comprised of roughly 100 people on horses, camels, and in three landcruisers invaded the ethnically Zaghawa villages of Laminah, Terling and Hella Sheikh Khatir, Abu Zeriga area, near Shangil Tobaya in North Darfur. The militia, led by Ibrahim Abu Dur, is allegedly one of many created by the North Darfur government in December 2010 to attack ethnic Zaghawas in Khor Abeche and Shangil Tobaya following the dissolution of the Darfur Peace Agreement.
Militia members engaged in widespread looting of property and livestock, including seven Murah, a local term for herds of 100 head of livestock. Twenty one residents managed to trap the militia as they made their way out of Laminah and Terling and recover two of the stolen Murah. Eyewitnesses reported that this group of residents attempting to secure their property and livelihood was apprehended by personnel in Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) uniforms and militia members supported by military aircraft as they returned to Laminah and Terling. Nineteen members of the group were arrested and taken to Um Kaja village in Eastern Shangil Tobaya, roughly 2 kilometres away.
Sixteen members of the group were summarily executed by firing squad, including Omar al Abkar, 42, the Principal of Abzoraga Primary School. Those killed include:
•Mohamed Wadi Ibrahim Ganee, 42, Zaghawa, farmer
•Adam Wad Ibrahim Ganee, 38, Zaghawa, farmer
•Abdelrahman Dosa Sharif Dhani, 22, Zaghawa, farmer
•Khatal Khater Ghani, 45, Zaghawa
•AsehifAlshikh Tobaik, 71, Zaghawa, a Community Leader of Al Omana village
•Omar al Abkar, 24, Zaghawa, the principal of Abzoraga Primary School
•Guja Ahmed Nour, 42, Zaghawa, farmer
•Nouredain Seneen Idriss, 36, Zaghawa, farmer
•Eltayab Hassan Ibrah, 54, Zaghawa, farmer
•Nouradein Jalab, Zaghawa, farmer
•Khalid Musa Hamsa, Zaghawa, farmer
•Ibrahim Sharief Iman, Zaghawa, farmer
Three others, Adam Ahmed Arabi, Jamal, and Mubarak Yousif Idriss, managed to elude execution. They are currently being held at Shangil Tobaya military camp. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
On 1 June at 8 AM, a militia comprised of roughly 100 people on horses, camels, and in three landcruisers invaded the ethnically Zaghawa villages of Laminah, Terling and Hella Sheikh Khatir, Abu Zeriga area, near Shangil Tobaya in North Darfur. The militia, led by Ibrahim Abu Dur, is allegedly one of many created by the North Darfur government in December 2010 to attack ethnic Zaghawas in Khor Abeche and Shangil Tobaya following the dissolution of the Darfur Peace Agreement.
Militia members engaged in widespread looting of property and livestock, including seven Murah, a local term for herds of 100 head of livestock. Twenty one residents managed to trap the militia as they made their way out of Laminah and Terling and recover two of the stolen Murah. Eyewitnesses reported that this group of residents attempting to secure their property and livelihood was apprehended by personnel in Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) uniforms and militia members supported by military aircraft as they returned to Laminah and Terling. Nineteen members of the group were arrested and taken to Um Kaja village in Eastern Shangil Tobaya, roughly 2 kilometres away.
Sixteen members of the group were summarily executed by firing squad, including Omar al Abkar, 42, the Principal of Abzoraga Primary School. Those killed include:
•Mohamed Wadi Ibrahim Ganee, 42, Zaghawa, farmer
•Adam Wad Ibrahim Ganee, 38, Zaghawa, farmer
•Abdelrahman Dosa Sharif Dhani, 22, Zaghawa, farmer
•Khatal Khater Ghani, 45, Zaghawa
•AsehifAlshikh Tobaik, 71, Zaghawa, a Community Leader of Al Omana village
•Omar al Abkar, 24, Zaghawa, the principal of Abzoraga Primary School
•Guja Ahmed Nour, 42, Zaghawa, farmer
•Nouredain Seneen Idriss, 36, Zaghawa, farmer
•Eltayab Hassan Ibrah, 54, Zaghawa, farmer
•Nouradein Jalab, Zaghawa, farmer
•Khalid Musa Hamsa, Zaghawa, farmer
•Ibrahim Sharief Iman, Zaghawa, farmer
Three others, Adam Ahmed Arabi, Jamal, and Mubarak Yousif Idriss, managed to elude execution. They are currently being held at Shangil Tobaya military camp. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Sunday, May 15, 2011
Artist Nadia Plesner wins case brought By Louis Vuitton
What a year for artists and copyright laws: Jeff Koons, Richard Prince, and now Nadia Plesner. Who? Nadia Plesner, the Danish artist who was taken to court for copyright infringement by luxury, artist-employing brand Louis Vuitton for the image of an emaciated child holding one of their distinctive patterned handbags in her painting "Darfurnica" (pictured).
On Wednesday Eyeteeth reported that a European court (contradicting their recent anti-art stance) had ruled in favor of Plesner in a lawsuit brought by the luxury brand over her use of their Audra handbag in the "Guernica"-referencing, Darfur awareness-raising painting. Louis Vuitton sought a penalty of €5,000 for every day that the image appeared on Plesner's website, which, as of right now, amounted to €485,000 (they began tallying her fee in late January). The brand also wanted the court to prevent Plesner from ever displaying the work online, or in the European Union (as well as another of her works that was the subject of a 2008 case).
Instead, the court in The Hague sided with Plesner stating, via Google Translate (of this article), that: Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
On Wednesday Eyeteeth reported that a European court (contradicting their recent anti-art stance) had ruled in favor of Plesner in a lawsuit brought by the luxury brand over her use of their Audra handbag in the "Guernica"-referencing, Darfur awareness-raising painting. Louis Vuitton sought a penalty of €5,000 for every day that the image appeared on Plesner's website, which, as of right now, amounted to €485,000 (they began tallying her fee in late January). The brand also wanted the court to prevent Plesner from ever displaying the work online, or in the European Union (as well as another of her works that was the subject of a 2008 case).
Instead, the court in The Hague sided with Plesner stating, via Google Translate (of this article), that: Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
ARE YOUR INVESTMENTS
■Many financial institutions invest in PetroChina, a company which, through its parent, CNPC, provides Sudan's government with revenue that has been helping fund the Darfur genocide for years. The conflict has claimed 300,000 lives and left millions homeless. With a billion-dollar stake in PetroChina as of January 2011, JPMorgan Chase is one of its largest investors. On May 17, JPMorgan Chase shareholders have the opportunity to vote for genocide-free investing. How would you vote?
■Click here or on the image on the left to see the full-page ad in The Wall Street Journal from May 11, 2011, or click here for the pdf version.
■The full text of the shareholder proposal, "Proposal 10 - Genocide-free investing" as listed in the proxy statement, is included at the bottom of this page. The resolved clause of the proposal states:
"Shareholders request that the Board institute transparent procedures to prevent holding investments in companies that, in management's judgment, substantially contribute to genocide or crimes against humanity, the most egregious violations of human rights. Management should encourage JPMorgan funds with separate boards to institute similar procedures."
■Click here or on the image on the left to see the full-page ad in The Wall Street Journal from May 11, 2011, or click here for the pdf version.
■The full text of the shareholder proposal, "Proposal 10 - Genocide-free investing" as listed in the proxy statement, is included at the bottom of this page. The resolved clause of the proposal states:
"Shareholders request that the Board institute transparent procedures to prevent holding investments in companies that, in management's judgment, substantially contribute to genocide or crimes against humanity, the most egregious violations of human rights. Management should encourage JPMorgan funds with separate boards to institute similar procedures."
Sunday, May 08, 2011
Group of Darfuri journalists complains about "irresponsible management style" at Netherlands-based Radio Dabanga.
Association of Darfur Reporters & Journalists, 3 May 2011, via Ground Report: "Radio Dabanga started broadcasting into Darfur from Hilversum [the Netherlands] since December 2008 primarily because of [Sudanese] government censorship and crackdown on independent media. Because of, among others, Radio Dabanga, the Darfuri people realized that the international community has not forgotten them and their suffering. Thanks to the commitment of Dutch, other European and international friends, the voiceless people of Darfur started to have a voice in Radio Dabanga. However, this historical initiative is starting to collapse due to irresponsible management style of Radio Dabanga that continues to exclude the Darfuri journalists from every policy of Radio Dabanga. This irresponsible management style has not only damaged the effectiveness of Radio Dabanga but it has also endangered the lives of Darfuri journalists in The Sudan. Radio Dabanga management opened a studio in Khartoum. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
The Bloody Sideshow in Sudan
By: Rebecca Tinsley.
As another wave of ethnic cleansing, rape and killing sweeps Darfur, those following the dramatic events in the Middle East and North Africa should reflect on the fate of six million civilians trapped in Sudan's bloody sideshow.
This might sound familiar: eight years ago, on April 25th 2003, a group of rebels rose up against the corrupt and brutal Arab regime that had oppressed and impoverished them for decades.
The regime in question was Sudan's National Islamic Front (NIF). The rebels attacked a military airfield at El Fasher in Darfur, humiliating the NIF which reacted by systematically slaughtering defenseless civilians, village by village.
The United Nations estimates 300,000 people died as a direct consequence of this act of defiance. According to Human Rights Watch, the NIF government, aided by their proxies, the Janjaweed militia, destroyed ninety per cent of non-Arab villages in Darfur.
However, there was no concerted international response; no jets were dispatched to bomb government tanks and protect civilians. Instead, survivors fled from their ruined homes, salvaging what they could carry, trying to reach refugee camps, where they remain to this day. The UN believes there are still two and a half million displaced Darfuris. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>
As another wave of ethnic cleansing, rape and killing sweeps Darfur, those following the dramatic events in the Middle East and North Africa should reflect on the fate of six million civilians trapped in Sudan's bloody sideshow.
This might sound familiar: eight years ago, on April 25th 2003, a group of rebels rose up against the corrupt and brutal Arab regime that had oppressed and impoverished them for decades.
The regime in question was Sudan's National Islamic Front (NIF). The rebels attacked a military airfield at El Fasher in Darfur, humiliating the NIF which reacted by systematically slaughtering defenseless civilians, village by village.
The United Nations estimates 300,000 people died as a direct consequence of this act of defiance. According to Human Rights Watch, the NIF government, aided by their proxies, the Janjaweed militia, destroyed ninety per cent of non-Arab villages in Darfur.
However, there was no concerted international response; no jets were dispatched to bomb government tanks and protect civilians. Instead, survivors fled from their ruined homes, salvaging what they could carry, trying to reach refugee camps, where they remain to this day. The UN believes there are still two and a half million displaced Darfuris. Read more >>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Monday, May 02, 2011
Darfuri Journalists en Organisations Furious on Radio Dabanga Leadership
Press Release: May 2nd, 2011
Darfuri Journalists en Organisations Furious on Radio Dabanga Leadership
Since the outbreak of the war in Darfur eight years ago, voices of the victims of the conflict remained absent and suppressed due to government restriction and censorship on press freedom in Sudan in general and Darfur in particular. The GOS has shut down the BBC World Service Trust radio project, suspended the FM broadcasts of Radio Monte Carlo in October2010 and refused to grant the United Nation and African Union Peace keeping Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) permission to set up a humanitarian FM radio station.
Radio Dabanga started broadcasting into Darfur from Hilversum since December 2008 primarily because of government censorship and crackdown on independent media. Because of, among others, Radio Dabanga, the Darfuri people realized that the international community has not forgotten them and their suffering. Thanks to the commitment of Dutch, other European and international friends, the voiceless people of Darfur started to have a voice in Radio Dabanga.
However, this historical initiative is starting to collapse due to irresponsible management style of Radio Dabanga that continues to exclude the Darfuri journalists from every policy of Radio Dabanga. This irresponsible management style has not only damaged the effectiveness of Radio Dabanga but it has also endangered the lives of Darfuri journalists in The Sudan. Radio Dabanga management opened a studio in Khartoum. That led to the arrest of Radio Dabanga workers and other activists on October 30th, 2010, other fled to Uganda and still other are missing within Sudan.
The Dafuri journalists in Hilversum who protested against this irresponsible action have been threatened by the management, some are dismissed and others are threatened with expulsion from The Netherlands.
On the eve of International Press Freedom we appeal to the Dutch people, the Dutch Government, the donors, the friends of the Darfuri people and the international community to rescue Radio Dabanga for the sake of the Darfuri people and their freedom.
After all it is the Dutch, European and other friends money and moral support that made Radio Dabanga a possibility. We, as Darfuri journalists and Darfur community in the Netherlands, are truly grateful for the hospitable and generous Dutch people and their government for their stand against injustice in the world; and especially in The Sudan. We are very grateful for their support for freedom of expression, freedom of press in Sudan and Darfur.
We are confident that they will continue to support us in our struggle for transparency, democracy and freedom of expression first and foremost within the entity Radio Dabanga and for our peoples in The Sudan.
Ends
Association of Darfur Reporters & Journalists
E-mail: radiodarfurreporters@gmail.com
Webpage: www.darfurreporters.org
Darfur Union
darfurunion@yahoo.com
Darfuri Journalists en Organisations Furious on Radio Dabanga Leadership
Since the outbreak of the war in Darfur eight years ago, voices of the victims of the conflict remained absent and suppressed due to government restriction and censorship on press freedom in Sudan in general and Darfur in particular. The GOS has shut down the BBC World Service Trust radio project, suspended the FM broadcasts of Radio Monte Carlo in October2010 and refused to grant the United Nation and African Union Peace keeping Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) permission to set up a humanitarian FM radio station.
Radio Dabanga started broadcasting into Darfur from Hilversum since December 2008 primarily because of government censorship and crackdown on independent media. Because of, among others, Radio Dabanga, the Darfuri people realized that the international community has not forgotten them and their suffering. Thanks to the commitment of Dutch, other European and international friends, the voiceless people of Darfur started to have a voice in Radio Dabanga.
However, this historical initiative is starting to collapse due to irresponsible management style of Radio Dabanga that continues to exclude the Darfuri journalists from every policy of Radio Dabanga. This irresponsible management style has not only damaged the effectiveness of Radio Dabanga but it has also endangered the lives of Darfuri journalists in The Sudan. Radio Dabanga management opened a studio in Khartoum. That led to the arrest of Radio Dabanga workers and other activists on October 30th, 2010, other fled to Uganda and still other are missing within Sudan.
The Dafuri journalists in Hilversum who protested against this irresponsible action have been threatened by the management, some are dismissed and others are threatened with expulsion from The Netherlands.
On the eve of International Press Freedom we appeal to the Dutch people, the Dutch Government, the donors, the friends of the Darfuri people and the international community to rescue Radio Dabanga for the sake of the Darfuri people and their freedom.
After all it is the Dutch, European and other friends money and moral support that made Radio Dabanga a possibility. We, as Darfuri journalists and Darfur community in the Netherlands, are truly grateful for the hospitable and generous Dutch people and their government for their stand against injustice in the world; and especially in The Sudan. We are very grateful for their support for freedom of expression, freedom of press in Sudan and Darfur.
We are confident that they will continue to support us in our struggle for transparency, democracy and freedom of expression first and foremost within the entity Radio Dabanga and for our peoples in The Sudan.
Ends
Association of Darfur Reporters & Journalists
E-mail: radiodarfurreporters@gmail.com
Webpage: www.darfurreporters.org
Darfur Union
darfurunion@yahoo.com
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)